Ian Stuart Donaldson Skrewdriver

Posts Tagged ‘Nazi Germany’

‘Battle of Stalingrad’ on display in Germany

Thursday, December 13th, 2012

The items for the exhibition were chosen by the workers of the Bundeswehr Museum in Dresden. They include photos, weapons, uniforms, letters and personal belonging of soldiers of both Soviet and German armies.

The exhibition has a special stand, which allows visitors to compare the apprehension of the legendary battle by the people in Russia and in Germany.

The Battle of Stalingrad was a major and decisive battle of the Second World War in which Nazi Germany fought the Soviet Union for control of the city of Stalingrad (now Volgograd). The battle took place between August 23, 1942 and February 2, 1943.

http://english.ruvr.ru/2012_12_13/Battle-of-Stalingrad-on-display-in-Germany/

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German court fines far-right parliamentarian

Friday, August 17th, 2012

The administrative court in Schwerin, the capital of Mecklenburg West Pomerania state, ruled that Pastörs was not protected by freedom of speech nor privilege for parliamentarians when he denied Nazi Germany’s murder of six million Jews in what it called his “diatribe” on January 28, 2010 when parliament remembers the victims of Nazi tyranny.

The court ordered him to pay his fine to Schwerin’s city library for children’s books and slapped him with an eight-month suspended jail term.

In the state’s regional assembly in Schwerin, 59-year-old Pastörs leads a minority parliamentary group of the anti-immigrant National Democratic Party (NPD). The party also has a few seats in another eastern German state, Saxony, but no seats at the federal level.

The presiding judge in Schwerin said Pastörs’ use of prepared notes in parliament showed a premeditated use of significant “criminal energy” that could only be interpreted as Holocaust denial. In his speech, Pastörs had described parliament’s ceremony as a “cult of guilt.”

Pastörs already has a conviction for inciting hatred against Jews and Turks in 2010 during a NPD party gathering in the western German state of Saarland. For that, he was fined 6,000 euros and handed a ten-month suspended jail term.

German mainstream considering NPD ban

Groups with explicit neo-Nazi ideology are banned in Germany. Federal and regional state authorities are considering submitting a fresh application to ban the NPD to Germany’s constitutional court in Karlsruhe.

A similar bid failed in 2003 because the top court said the presence of high-place informers had tainted evidence. But public pressure to outlaw the NPD has mounted further since a neo-Nazi cell, the National Socialist Underground (NSU), was exposed in November. The cell is alleged to have killed eight ethnic Turkish shopkeepers, a Greek man and a German policewoman between 2000 and 2007.

Latest figures indicate that the NPD has about 6,600 members.

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Court lifts ban on domestic military ops

Friday, August 17th, 2012

The strict ban on German military operations within the country was adopted following World War II, in reaction to the Nazi regime having used the army and paramilitary forces for its domestic agenda.

On Friday, the Federal Constitutional Court said the Bundeswehr armed forces could deploy under strict conditions in case of an assault in Germany with the potential for scores of casualties.

The deployment of troops in Germany was only acceptable in “states of emergency of catastrophic proportions,” the judges ruled, but never “in reaction to the threat posed by demonstrating crowds”.

The use of combat weapons was only acceptable “as a last resort” and must be approved by the federal government, not simply delegated to the defence minister.

Shooting down a hijacked passenger plane with civilians on board remained illegal after the ruling – but fighter jets could attempt to force such an aircraft to land with warning shots.

The ruling marked a reversal of a decision by the same court in 2006 and was a response to complaints from two of Germany’s 16 federal states.

The German government had attempted to allow more flexibility in its military response to a possible terror attack in the wake of the September 11, 2001 suicide hijackings in the United States.

But it ran into resistance from the court, which cited strict restrictions on the deployment of the military in Germany set down in the post-war constitution.

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Joining the Hitler Youth

Tuesday, August 7th, 2012

Finally, my tenth birthday was near. Two events were about to occur; I could join the Hitler Youth organization and start high school.

With the arrival of my tenth birthday, I became eligible to join the Hitler Youth, or better, I should say, join the Young Folks’ (Jungvolk) movement. The Young Folks were a junior extension of the Hitler Youth for boys aged 10 to 14. After I had my parent’s permission to join, nothing could stop me from fulfilling my dreams of joining. I became a proud member of the Hitler Youth Young Folks.

Now, not only did I need a full uniform with all its paraphernalia, but I also needed camping accessories. My wish list included a backpack with a blanket, a pup tent canvas, a mess kit, a compass and more importantly a knife in a sheath with a Young Folks’ symbol.

During our weekly Young Folks’ meetings, older Hitler Youth members organized and conducted our get-together. There was no question that they impressed on us the importance of the Third Reich�s future, highlighting the need for purity and social improvements of an upcoming generation. The indoctrination emphasized love of one’s country, respect of spiritual and ethical values and unquestioning loyalty to our Führer.

Most of our meetings started with the singing of our national anthem which began, “Germany above all�” followed by a National Socialist Party song, “Raise high the flag�” One of us youngsters would stand at attention next to the lectern holding on to a pole displaying the swastika flag. We had to learn at least one new marching song every time we got together. Group singing was highly enjoyable, and once we started marching it never failed for the group leader to call for a song. Besides singing, we received lectures about good sanitation and cleanliness of body and mind. We were enlightened to the fact that our Führer depended on us to strengthen and perpetuate the Third Reich.

In addition to the more or less boring subjects, we planned outdoor adventures like camping trips, playing hide and seek between red and blue teams and finding your way after being lost in the wilderness. We played games and the comradeship was evident and enjoyable.

The words of the songs we learned would not have won today’s Pulitzer Prize, but the message came through loud and clear. Sacrifice yourself, if necessary, for the good of the country and hold honor and courage in high esteem. Every so often, we would go on overnight outings in the countryside. We learned to pitch tents and how to build campfires. Some very subtle political indoctrination was unavoidable, and especially the message concerning Adolf Hitler was clear. Our leader, the supreme commander�s words and actions, were irrefutable.

In recent years, I heard controversy about a particular song we had learned. That song had words stating that only Germany hears us now, but tomorrow the whole world will. The German words of that part in the song were as follows: Denn heute da hört uns Deutschland und morgen die ganze Welt. Not gehört which means belonging. That was the way I learned the song. Some scholars have suggested that we sang: “tomorrow the whole world will belong to Germany” instead of the world will hear us. I am sure that we, the youth, did not communicate suggestions through this song that Germany would own the world.

My sister also belonged to a youth movement, called the Bund Deutscher Mädchen (Organization of German Girls). I heard only scant words from my sister, but it appeared that honor and love for the country appeared to be their central message also. The Führer expected the girls, so they said, to remain pure, pledge in marriage only to Aryan boys, and create many babies for the Fatherland.

Early in 1938, with my primary schooling completed, I looked forward to attending high school. My parents made it perfectly clear that I had to quit fooling around and get down to studying. School homework, customarily handed out for most subjects, now received preferential treatment over any other activity.

Our class size normally consisted of 24 to 30 boys. Within an assigned classroom, we had the freedom to select our seat location. I preferred a seat about in the middle, not liking to sit right in front of the teacher, but close enough to read the blackboard clearly. Most of the time our school started at 8 o�clock and most classes lasted 90 minutes. We had 4 classes per day, 5 days a week, and 3 classes on Saturday. The teachers would come to our room instead of the students going to a teacher’s room. Almost all teachers would hand out homework, and I had no problems keeping up with the assignments except for a couple of subjects.

Luckily, during the first two years, we had no language classes but I had history classes taught by a disagreeable teacher, Mr. Lustig. I found out that I had problems memorizing historical dates, especially Mr. Lustig�s. Looking back, I am sure that his presentation also lacked some continuity or whatever.

Anyway, it appeared boring to me, and soon my history grades sank. Had I not excelled in mathematics and physics, I would have been in significant trouble. I strongly disliked Herr Lustig, my history teacher. He had a half-inch diameter, three foot-long bamboo cane. Standing in front of me, he would ask me what happened in Germany on April 24, 1547. Sure, ask another question. I had not the faintest idea. He would then whack that cane merciless on my upper arm while bombarding me with other dates and events. Even if I had known any of the answers, I surely would have been unable to handle any answers under those circumstances. This teacher’s behavior haunted me for many years, especially when I had to take a test.

Political propagandizing from our teachers was not on the curriculum. Even during my first year in the Hitler Youth movement, political indoctrination was relatively benign, with some mentioning of how the Jews were destroying our country.

All that changed on the night of November 9/10, 1938. I was now 11 years old and had one year of lectures from the Hitler Youth movement behind me. I was convinced of my leader’s wisdom, and believed in the goodness of the Nazi doctrine.

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School district won’t punish teacher over Nazi-Obama speech

Monday, July 30th, 2012

A Pennsylvania school district says a teacher was exercising his First Amendment rights during a speech in which he drew parallels between Nazi Germany and the United States under President Barack Obama.

Spring Cove School District officials say no disciplinary action will be taken against teacher Philip Waite for comments he made at a July 1 tea party rally in Blair County.

Democrats criticized Waite for the speech, in which he likened federal governmental power to Nazism.

Waite said Adolf Hitler was a “slick, quick talker” who told citizens “`you don’t need to worry about responsibility.”

Speaking after Waite, Republican U.S. Senate candidate Tom Smith said he spoke “eloquently” but later called his comments “divisive.”

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NEBE, ARTHUR

Sunday, May 6th, 2012

(1894-19??) SS General and head the criminal police (KRIPO) from 1933 to 1945. Nebe was a professional policeman who had already reached the rank of Police Commissioner by 1924. Even before Hitler came to power, he had close connections to the SS group led by Kurt Daluege, and in April 1933, was recommended by Daluege for the position of Chief Executive of the State Police. Nebe quickly set about reorganizing the criminal police in the Third Reich and played a major role in establishing the totalitarian police system. In June 1941, he was given command of Einsatzgruppe B, which was headquartered in Minsk, and during the next five months, was responsible for 46,000 executions in White Russia. Nebe disappeared in early 1945, and according to official records was executed in Berlin on March 21, 1945. Yet, several sightings and rumors of his activities continued into the late 1960’s. Shortly after the war an amateur film showing a gas chamber supplied with gas from the exhaust of a truck was allegedly found in his former Berlin apartment. (Wistrich II)

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Labor

Friday, May 4th, 2012

When German blood and the German nature triumphed, another view naturally had to fall, one that the Jews and their allies had suggested for decades, namely that labor was the curse of God in this world. The German never saw labor as a regrettable burden, but rather always as a blessing. To eat the bread of the sweat of his brow was to him no punishment, but rather something self-evident. He had contempt for the lazy and indolent man who believed that he could live at the cost of others. It was therefore relatively easy to restore the German viewpoint in this regard. It was made even easier by the experiences of the German people before the takeover of power. It saw how nothing was fought more bitterly than the concept of labor. It was not only degraded to being a commodity, but was seen as an evil that had to be eliminated. The ideal condition was to work as little as possible, or not at all. This was achieved by the failings of the government at the time: Unemployment came to Germany. The army of the unemployed grew from day to day, millions and millions of them.

The individual who was unemployed felt how meaningless life without work is. The whole German people, however, saw that beyond the misery of the individual, a man without work loses his foundations and becomes over time a danger to the community. For these reasons, the Führer’s first task was to eliminate unemployment and once again give the German purpose and meaning for life through his labor.

The Führer was not satisfied when he achieved this goal. He wanted to free labor from the chains resulting from a shortage of raw materials. For years the Führer attempted to negotiate with England and other countries to purchase the raw materials they possessed in abundance at a reasonable price. This attempt was in vain. The hostile attitude of international high finance in London, New York, and the other power centers of the Jewish bankers, rose at times to boycotts.

After such rejection, the Führer introduced the necessary measures in the Four Year Plan to guarantee the freedom of German labor. Although this was entirely a matter of domestic German policy, plutocrats throughout the world protested. The Führer ignored them, and went his way to win the freedom of our labor.

Plutocracy has the revolution of labor not only in this area, but it was distressed to see that the Führer wanted to overturn the social order they thought self-evident.

Until the takeover of power, the manual laborer was seen as a second class citizen in Germany as well as in the rest of the world.

In National Socialist Germany, the manual laborer has become a fully equal people’s comrade.

The concept “worker,” which was earlier a sign of inferiority, is today the most honorable title of the German people! As an eternal, living monument, the Führer created the Reich Labor Service, which constantly reminds the German that honest labor is never a disgrace, but rather is always an honor. On 1 May, the whole German people comes together to honor a fundamental concept of the National Socialist world view: “Labor.”

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National Political Training Institutes

Saturday, April 28th, 2012

National Political Training Institutes were one of three new types of school/college introduced into Nazi Germany. National Political Training Institutes, along with Adolf Hitler Schools and Order Castles, were introduced to teach the next generation of elite leaders in Germany – be they political or military. The National Political Training Institutes looked to educate the next Nazi Party leaders that would take on the work started by Adolf Hitler.

 

National Political Training Institutes (Nationalpolitische Erziehungsanstalten) attempted to recreate the type of education that the old Prussian academies had done in bygone years; it was a recognition by Hitler that while he believed that the heart of ideological Nazism lay in the south of Germany, the real powerhouse of pre-World War One Germany had been Prussia that as a state had set itself apart from the rest of Germany. Hitler believed that what underpinned such state power was the education system that deliberately targeted the creation of an elite who would operate at the peak of government administration and military leadership. The National Political Training Institutes were meant to recreate such an approach with, Hitler assumed, the same success.

 

The institutes operated outside of the normal educational structure that existed in Nazi Germany. The first one opened in May 1933 in the city of Pöln under the direction of August Heissmeyer. The boys who went to such schools usually came from three backgrounds: the families of loyal Nazi Party members, the families of army officers or were boys who were recognised as doing very well in the Hitler Youth movement.

 

As time progressed the institutes came more and more under the control of the SS. In time only a SS-Obergruppenfuehrer could nominate candidates for entry. Boys who attended National Political Training Institutes had an education that created a “soldierly spirit, with attributes of courage, sense of duty, and simplicity.”

 

By the end of 1938, there were twenty three institutes; eighteen were in Germany, four were in Austria and one in the Sudetenland. While the basis behind their education was that those who graduated went on to become senior party leaders, the reality was that World War Two was declared and the military needed their services. Many graduates from the National Political Training Institutes went straight into the military.


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Adolf Hitler Schools

Saturday, April 28th, 2012

Adolf Hitler Schools were seen as being at the very pinnacle of the Nazi education system. Adolf Hitlergained power in January 1933 and quickly started to redesign the whole educational structure of Nazi Germany. Adolf Hitler Schools – Adolf Hitler-Schule – was one of three new types of educational facilities introduced by Hitler to create a Nazi elite. It took a few years for the changes to take firm roots and when it was clear that such changes were fully in place, in January 1937 Hitler allowed his name to be attached to such schools. National Political Training Institutes catered for the same age group as Adolf Hitler Schools while Order Castles catered for university aged students.

 

Initially there were ten Adolf Hitler Schools but another two were built. Each one served a specific district (gau) and initially children selected to go to such a school could only come from that gau. This practice ended in 1941 when it was decided that children from anywhere in Germany could attend any Adolf Hitler School. Competition for a place at Adolf Hitler Schools was intense and the selection process was such that it was designed to cultivate a sense of pride and loyalty to the state that had introduced such a system.

 

Children who attended the Adolf Hitler Schools were preselected from the Hitler Youth movement (Hitler Jugend). The selection process started at the junior end of the Hitler Youth Movement – the so-called Young Folk (Jungfolk). Children in their second year of the Jungvolk were deemed old enough to be considered for selection. They were checked for their racial purity and once they passed this they were sent to a camp for two weeks to prove that they were worthy of being part of the Adolf Hitler Schools system.

 

Physical appearance was important and a good candidate was considered to be a child who had blond hair and blue eyes as such characteristics fitted in with Hitler’s Aryan ideals.

 

Those who started at an Adolf Hitler School were subjected to an education that was militaristic. Pupils were divided into squads and they trained not only in military and academic studies but in deportment, bed-making and personal hygiene. Squads were put up against one another and no one individual passed or failed – the whole squad either passed or not. In this way instructors/teachers could ensure that each squad member would keep an eye on others in his squad and ensured that everyone did their best for the benefit of the whole squad. Peer group pressure was used to ensure that each squad pushed for the highest standards.

                                           

The majority of the time spent in an Adolf Hitler School was based around physical training. It usually outweighed academic classroom work by a proportion of 5 to 1. Each child had to ‘prove himself’ – ‘Bewährung’ – if they wanted to pass their so-called ‘Final Review’. Those who completed their time at these schools, usually five years, left at the age of 18 and were eligible to go to university. Many joined the officer corps of the military and were viewed as the future military leaders of the 1000-year Third Reich. Regardless of which direction they chose, graduates of an Adolf Hitler School were considered to be the future elite of Nazi Germany and their education was considered a passport and guarantee for future progress within the system.  

 

The teachers in Adolf Hitler Schools were also selected. They were known as “school leaders” as opposed to teachers. Each one had a rank in the Hitler Youth movement, which also set them apart from teachers in normal schools, the gymnasiums. The overall control of as Adolf Hitler School was given to a “commander”. 

 

However, while on the surface these schools seemed to typify the Nazi ideal, they probably were not a good as the government wanted the public to believe. Not all of the “school leaders” were trained teachers and the syllabus in each school was very narrow. In fact, a syllabus directed to the “commanders” of the twelve schools was not published until 1944. Up to that time it seems that each of the schools could develop their own syllabus based around an “educational and curricular plan”. One subject that had to be taught was ‘folklore’. But up until 1944 it was up to each school to decide what ‘folklore’ should be taught until the directive specified what constituted ‘folklore’. “Schooling in worldview” and “religion lore” were also taught. Again, these were so varied in terms of what could be taught that the 1944 syllabus directive had to specify what had to be taught.


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The Flight of Hess May 1941

Friday, April 27th, 2012

In May 1941, Rudolf Hess, Hitler’s Deputy, fled Nazi Germany. The sudden appearance of Hess in Scotland baffled many.Hitler immediately announced that Hess had gone mad and had betrayed him when he was informed of his deputy leader’s flight and immediate imprisonment.

 

 

A skilled pilot, Hess flew a Me-110 to Scotland. He parachuted out of the aircraft while he was over Renfrewshire, Scotland. The British public was told that Hess had flown to Britain in an effort to sue for peace and that he wanted to meet members of the government (but not Winston Churchill) in an effort to secure such a peace. Hess wanted to use the Duke of Hamilton as an intermediary in setting up meetings etc.

 

 

However, in 2011 a new theory has been forwarded for what happened. The theory is that Hitler knew all along that Hess was going to make the flight and that he even agreed to it. This theory is the result of the recent finding of a notebook in Russian archives. With the end of the Cold War, the Russian authorities have been a lot more open with western historians with regards to what they have in their huge collection of wartime archives. A notebook by Major Karlheinz Pintsch has thrown up a different angle on what happened in May 1941 with regards to the flight of Hess. Pintsch is an important person in the story as he was the long-serving adjutant for Hess and would have known more than most about what Hess did and planned. The notebook states:

 

 

“(Hitler) hoped that an agreement with the Englishmen would be successful.”

 

 

Pintsch also wrote in his notebook that Hitler wanted peace with Britain so that he could turn his full attention to the USSR hopefully, in his mind, with the support of Britain – morally or even militarily. At the least, according to Pintsch, Hitler hoped for a promise of British neutrality.

 

 

It was the task of Pintsch to break the news to Hitler about the flight of Hess. Pintsch states in his notebook that Hitler did not fly into a rage, contrary to assumptions made about his behaviour. Pintsch claimed that Hitler remained calm and that he read allowed to all those assembled a private letter written to him by Hess that stated that Hitler was to announce that Hess had gone mad and was “out of my mind” if his mission to sue for peace failed.

 

 

In the immediate aftermath of the flight of Hess, Pintsch was arrested and kept in solitary confinement. He was not allowed to talk to anyone until he was sent to the Eastern Front in 1944, where the cause against the might of the Red Army was clearly failing. Was there a hope or an expectation that Pintsch would be killed while fighting? If that was the case, it failed as he was taken prisoner and kept by the Soviet authorities until 1955.

 

 

To many historians the implication of the notebook – that Hitler wanted to sue Britain for peace via a mission by Hess – is untenable. We do know that Pintsch was so badly beaten and tortured while a prisoner that he was incapable of using his hands for even the most basic of things. So how could he write a 28-page booklet? Did he use a scribe for his memories while incarcerated? We also know that the booklet was written in 1948 and that in that year Pintsch would have had no idea if he was ever to be released – so what did he have to gain by producing anything that was false? Supporters of Pintsch may argue that what he did was cathartic – getting ‘off of his cheat’ what he knew before he died, possibly/probably in the Soviet prison. He most certainly did not know that he was going to be released in 1955 and he would have seen manyGerman POW’s die in captivity as a result of their mistreatment.

 

 

But if it was a Soviet forgery produced by the KGB, what would they have to gain from it? During the Cold War it would have been creditable within the USSR for Stalin and then his successors to spin the story that Hitler actually viewed Britain as a potential ally against the USSR and that the USSR had no reason to trust Churchill etc. at the war conferences. It would justify any actions taken by Stalin (even if he had to justify any of his actions to the Soviet people post-1945). However, this would only have worked if the Soviet public was aware of the booklet and its contents and it was discovered buried in archives years after the end of the Cold War and we have no record of its contents ever being made public during the early years of the Cold War when its contents would have been of use to the Soviet authorities.

 

 

The booklet proves nothing and many would see the whole theory as fanciful but it does make the flight of Rudolf Hess just that little bit more interesting. The flight achieved nothing – he never met anyone of consequence and was imprisoned for the remainder of World War Two. At the Nuremberg Trials he was sentenced to life in prison and spent the rest of his life at Spandau Prison. He was its last prisoner before his suicide in 1987 aged 93.


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SA Jews call for firing of pro-Nazi banker

Wednesday, April 25th, 2012

PRETORIA, South Africa – The South African Israel Public Affairs Committee (SAIPAC) called on Sunday for the director of the South African Reserve bank to be fired from his post because of his pro-Nazi opinions.

In interviews and articles last week Stephen Goodson expressed his admiration for the Nazi regime, and claimed that the Holocaust was a “huge lie.”

Speaking at the Holocaust Remembrance Day ceremony held in Pretoria on Sunday, David Hersch, head of SAIPAC, called on the South African Reserve Bank to release Goodson immediately from his public position.

“Goodson should be fired immediately or made to resign immediately. The Reserve Bank should be ashamed to have someone like this on their board of directors and now that he has been exposed, they should act immediately,” he said. Hersch emphasized that the bank’s reaction to the issue, stating that Goodson’s mandate would end this July, “is not good enough.”

Hersch also called upon the South African government to issue a clear statement “condemning Goodson and distancing them from him and his statements, opinions, his denial of the Holocaust and adherence to anti-Semitic hate speech and complete falsehood.”

The South African Mail and Guardian revealed last week that Goodson has written articles depicting an “historical analysis of banking history,” according to which Jewish bankers invented the Holocaust just to extract money from Germany. In an interview with an extreme-right American radio station two years ago, Goodson refers also to “ritual murder” executed, so he claimed, by Jews in the early centuries.

The South Africa Jewish Board of Deputies assured the Jewish community on Monday that they are following up very closely on the issue, as they systematically do on all anti-Semitic incidents.

David Jacobson, executive-director of the board in Cape Town, stated that the community was “shocked” over the “grossly anti-Semitic and racially inflammatory views” propagated by Goodson, and that the community welcomed the fact that the Reserve Bank has distanced itself from the opinions expressed by him. This adds to the statement made by the Board’s chairman, Mary Kluk, last week, condemning Goodson’s “hurtful and offensive” views.

Members of the Jewish community emphasized that although they identify with the call to fire Goodson, they understand that legally the Reserve Bank cannot do so, as he is serving as a non-executive director, representing the Reserve Bank’s shareholders, and is not employed by the bank.

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RESPONSE TO ANTHONY EDEN, BRITISH FOREIGN SECRETARY

Monday, April 2nd, 2012

If I may state my views on those general questions that are of actual importance today, the most effective way of doing so will be to refer to the statements that were recently made by Mr. Eden in the British House of Commons. For those statements also imply the essentials of what must be said regarding Germany‘s relations with France. At this point I should like to express my sincere thanks for the opportunity which has been given me by the outspoken and noteworthy declarations made by the British Foreign Secretary.

I think I have read those statements carefully and have understood them correctly. Of course, I do not want to get lost among the details, and so I should like to single out the leading points in Mr. Eden’s speech, so as to clarify or answer them from my side.

In doing this, I shall first try to correct what seems to me to be a most regrettable error. This error lay in assuming that somehow or other Germany wishes to isolate herself and to allow the events which happen in the rest of the world to pass by without participating in them, or that she does not wish to take any account whatsoever of the general necessities of the time.

What are the grounds for the assumption that Germany wants to pursue a policy of isolation? If this assumption in regard to German isolation be a conclusion which must necessarily be drawn from what are presumed to be Germany’s intentions, then let me say the following: —

I do not believe at all that a State could ever mean to declare itself intentionally disinterested in the political events taking place throughout the rest of the world, especially when this world is so small as Europe is at the present day. I think that if a State should really find it necessary to take refuge in such an attitude, then the most than [sic] can be said is that it has been forced to do so under the coercion of a foreign will imposed upon it. Now, in the first place, I should like to assure Mr. Eden that we Germans do not in the least want to be isolated and that we do not at all feel ourselves isolated.

During recent years Germany has entered into quite a number of political agreements with other States. She has resumed former agreements and improved them. And I may say that she has established close friendly relations with a number of States. Our relations with most of the European States are normal from our standpoint and we are on terms of close friendship with quite a number. Among all those diplomatic connections I would give a special place in the foreground to those excellent relations which we have with those States that were liberated from sufferings similar to those we had to endure and have consequently arrived at similar decisions.

Through a number of treaties which we have made, we have relieved many strained relations and thereby made a substantial contribution towards an improvement in European conditions. I need remind you only of our agreement with Poland, which has turned out advantageous for both countries, our agreement with Austria and the excellent and close relations which we have established with Italy. Further, I may refer to our friendly relations with Hungary, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Greece, Portugal, Spain etc. Finally, I may mention our cordial relations with a whole series of nations outside of Europe.

The agreement which Germany has made with Japan for combating the movement directed by the Comintern is a vital proof of how little the German Government thinks of isolating itself and how little we feel ourselves actually isolated. Furthermore, I have on several occasions [sic] declared that it is our wish and hope to arrive at good cordial relations with all our neighbors.

Germany has steadily given its assurance, and I solemnly repeat this assurance here, that between ourselves and France, for example, there are no grounds for quarrel that are humanly thinkable. Furthermore, the German Government has assured Belgium and Holland that it is ready to recognize and guarantee these States as neutral regions in perpetuity.

In view of the declarations which we have made in the past and in view of the existing state of affairs, I cannot quite clearly see why Germany should consider herself isolated or why we should pursue a policy of isolation. From the economic standpoint there are no grounds for asserting that Germany is withdrawing from international cooperation. The contrary is the truth. On looking over the speeches which several statesmen have made within the last few months, I find that they might easily give rise to the impression that the whole world is waiting to shower economic favors on Germany but that we, who are represented as obstinately clinging to a policy of isolation, do not wish to partake of those favors. To place this whole matter in its true light, I should like to call attention to the following bare facts:

(1) For many years the German people have been trying to make better commercial treaties with their neighbors and thus to bring about a more active exchange of goods. And these efforts have not been in vain; for, as a matter of fact, German foreign trade has increased since 1932, both in volume and in value. This is the clearest refutation of the assertion that Germany is pursuing a policy of economic isolation.

(2) I do not believe however that there can be a lasting economic collaboration among the nations on any other basis than that of a mutual exchange of commercial wares and industrial products. Credit manipulation may perhaps have a temporary effect, but in the long run economic international relations will be decisively influenced by the volume of mutual exchange of goods. And here the state of affairs at the present moment is not such that the outside world would be able to place huge orders with us or offer prospects of an increase in the exchange of goods even if we were to fulfill the most extraordinary conditions that they might lay down. Matters should not be made more complicated than they already are. If international commerce be sick, that is not due to Germany’s refusal to assist it, but is due to the fact that disorder has invaded the industrial life of the various nations and has influenced their relations with one another. But Germany cannot be blamed for these two things, and especially not National Socialist Germany. When we assumed power the world economic crisis was worse than it is today.

I fear however that I must interpret Mr. Eden’s words as meaning that in the carrying out of the four years plan he sees an element of refusal on Germany’s side to participate in international collaboration. Therefore I wish it to be clearly understood that our decision to carry out this plan is unalterable. The reasons which led to that decision were inexorable. And since then I have not been able to discover anything whatsoever that might induce us to discontinue the four years plan.

I shall take only one practical example: In carrying out the four years plan our synthetic production of rubber and petrol will necessitate an annual increase in our consumption of coal by a margin of something between 20 and 30 million tons. This means that an extra quota of thousands of coal miners are assured of employment for the rest of their active lives. I must really take the liberty of asking this question: Supposing we abandon [sic] the German four years plan, then what statesman can guarantee me some economic equivalent or other, outside of the Reich, for these thirty million tons of coal?

I want bread and work for my people. And certainly I do not wish to have it through the operation of credit guarantees, but through solid and permanent labor, the products of which I can either exchange for foreign goods or for domestic goods in our internal commercial circulation.

If by some manipulation or other Germany were to throw these 20 or 30 million tons of coal annually on the international market for the future, the result would be that the coal exports of other countries would have to decrease. I do not know if a British statesman, for example, could face such a contingency without realizing how serious it would be for his own nation. And yet that is the state of affairs.

Germany has an enormous number of men who not only want to work but also to eat. And the standard of living among our people is high. I cannot build the future of the German nation on the assurances of a foreign statesman or on any international help, but only on the real basis of a steady production, for which I must find a market at home or abroad. Perhaps my skepticism in these matters leads me to differ from the British Foreign Secretary in regard to the optimistic tone of his statements.

I mean here that if Europe does not awaken to the danger of the Bolshevik infection, then I fear that international commerce will not increase but decrease, despite all the good intentions of individual statesmen. For this commerce is based not only on the undisturbed and guaranteed stability of production in one individual nation but also on the production of all the nations together. One of the first things which is clear in this matter is that every Bolshevik disturbance must necessarily lead to a more or less permanent destruction of orderly production. Therefore my opinion about the future of Europe is, I am sorry to say, not so optimistic as Mr. Eden’s. I am the responsible leader of the German people and must safeguard its interests in this world as well as I can. And therefore I am bound to judge things objectively as I see them.

I should not be acquitted before the bar of our history if I neglected something–no matter on what grounds–which is necessary to maintain the existence of this people. I am pleased, and we are all pleased, at every increase that takes place in our foreign trade. But in view of the obscure political situation I shall not neglect anything that is necessary to guarantee the existence of the German people, although other nations may become the victims of the Bolshevik infection. And I must also repudiate the suggestion that this view is the outcome of mere fancy. For the following is certainly true: The British Foreign Secretary opens out theoretical prospects of existence to us, whereas in reality what is happening is totally different. The revolutionizing of Spain, for instance, has driven out 15.000 Germans from that country and has seriously injured our trade. Should this revolutionizing of Spain spread to other European countries then these damages would not be lessened but increased.

I also am a responsible statesman and I must take such possibilities into account. Therefore it is my unalterable determination so to organize German labor that it will guarantee the maintenance of my people. Mr. Eden may rest assured that we shall utilize every possibility offered us of strengthening our economic relations with other nations, but also that we shall avail ourselves of every possibility to improve and enrich the circulation of our own internal trade.

I must ask also whether the grounds for assuming that Germany is pursuing a policy of isolation are to be found in the fact that we have left he League of Nations. If such be the grounds, then I would point out that the Geneva League has never been a real League of peoples. A number of great nations do not belong to it or have left it. And nobody has on this account asserted that they were following a policy of isolation.

I think therefore that on this point Mr. Eden misunderstands our intentions and views. For nothing is farther from our wishes than to break off or weaken our political or economic relations with other nations. The contrary is the truth. I have already tried to contribute towards bringing about a good understanding in Europe and I have often given, especially to the British people and their Government, assurance of how ardently we wish for a sincere and cordial cooperation with them. I admit that on one point there is a wide difference between the views of the British Foreign Secretary and our views; and here it seems to me that this is a gap which cannot be filled up.

Mr. Eden declares that under no circumstances does the British Government wish to see Europe torn into two halves. Unfortunately, this desire for unity has not hitherto been declared or listened to. And now the desire is an illusion. For the fact is that the division into two halves, not only of Europe but also of the whole world, is an accomplished fact.

It is to be regretted that the British Government did not adopt its present attitude at an earlier date, that under all circumstances a division of Europe must be avoided; for then the Treaty of Versailles would not have been entered into. This Treaty brought in the first division of Europe, namely a division of the nations into victors on the one side and vanquished on the other, the latter nations being outlawed. Through this division of Europe nobody suffered more than the German people. That this division was wiped out, so far as concerns Germany, is essentially due to the National Socialist Revolution and this brings some credit to myself.

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The Führer Makes History: 1938

Sunday, March 25th, 2012

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3 October: In liberated Sudetenland

“The nation was willing to draw the sword for you. You will be ready to do the same, if ever the German nation or the German people are threatened.

Your good fortune is shared by the 75 million in the former Reich

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just as your sorrow was also shared by them.

You now join the great German future! We thank Almighty God that he has blessed us in the past and ask that he bless us also in the future.

Germany, Sieg Heil!”

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5 October: Opening of the Winter Relief Campaign

“Later historians will record that the German nation regained its honor, that our history has once again become a worthy history. I believe that this year the great social welfare organization must demonstrate similar results. I expect that the Winter Relief campaign in 1938 will correspond to the historical greatness of the year!”

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Our Hitler Goebbels’ 1939 Speech on Hitler’s 50th Birthday

Tuesday, March 6th, 2012

In an unsettled and confused world, Germany tomorrow celebrates a national holiday in the truest sense of the word. It is a holiday for the entire nation. The German people celebrate the day entirely as a matter of the heart, not of the understanding.

Tomorrow the Führer finishes his fiftieth year. The entire German nation takes pride in this day, a pride in which those peoples who are friendly with us also take deep and hearty part. Even those who are neutral or oppose us cannot ignore the strong impact of the events. Adolf Hitler’s name is a political program for the entire world. He is almost a legend. His name is a dividing line. No one on earth can remain indifferent to his name. For some, he represents hope, faith, and the future, for others he is an exemplar of confused hatred, base lies, and cowardly slander.

The highest that a person can achieve is to give his name to an historical era, to stamp his personality indelibly on his age. Certainly the Führer has done that. One cannot imagine today’s world without him.

Treitschke once said that men make history. If this is true, when more so than in our era? He has shown his simplicity and depth in the most wonderful way. Adolf Hitler has influenced not only the historical development of his country, but one can say without fear of exaggeration that he has given all of European history a new direction, that he is the towering guarantee of a new order for Europe.

Our part of the world looks vastly different today that it would without him, not to mention his impact on our own people and nation. He has given the German nation an entirely new face through revolutionary internal transformations.

Someone who saw Germany for the last time in 1918 would scarcely recognize it today. The people and nation are entirely different. What seemed like a miracle only a short while ago is self-evident today.

About a year ago, the Führer solved the problem of joining Austria to the Reich. The whole people celebrated his 49th birthday then. 7 1/2 million Germans had returned to the Reich. A Central European problem one almost believed to be unsolvable was miraculously solved.

On the eve of his 50th birthday, we can happily see that once again the map of Europe has changed in the Reich’s favor, and — unique in world history — this change has occurred without bloodshed. It came as the result of a clear desire to establish peace in an area of Europe in which the contradictions were so severe that there was danger that they sooner or later would cause a general European conflagration.

This new peace in the threatened areas is not a peace of tired, moralistic theories that are endangered as often as the false bourgeois democrats praise them. It is much more a peace that is built on practical realities

Such a peace could be built only on the foundations of a higher, instinctive understanding growing from the knowledge that only strength gives a people the opportunity to finally resolve problems.

Successful policies require both imagination and reality. Imagination as such is constructive. It alone provides the strength for powerful, flexible historical conceptions. Realism on the other hands brings the ideas of political fantasy in agreement with hard reality.

The Führer possesses both characteristics in a unique harmony seldom seen in history. Imagination and reality join in him to determine the goals and methods of political policy. His contemporaries are constantly astonished and amazed by seeing how he brilliantly brings goals and methods together to influence history. He has no stubborn ideas, no tired tactical doctrines, to dim his vision and reduce his political imagination. His inflexible principles are joined with changing and flexible political methods that have lead to the greatest and most unexpected successes for Germany.

That is nothing new for us old National Socialists. We learned to admire the Führer’s political abilities in the earliest phases of our party’s hard struggle for power in the Reich. They were demonstrated in many small and apparently unimportant ways at the time, though they were then for us and the movement as important as the goals and problems of today.

Then too there were doubters who failed to see the greatness and brilliance of the Führer’s decisions during the struggle for power. They favored the false wisdom that Clausewitz discussed: they wanted nothing but to escape danger. We are therefore not surprised or anxious to see the same or similar happenings in internal German politics that we earlier saw in the National Socialist movement.

The only thing that has changed over the years is the scale of the Führer’s actions; his methods and goals have remained the same. Back then we saw in him the political instincts of a truly historic genius, able to understand problems and find the simplest and clearest solution to them from his own greatness and certainty. That is why we were then his most loyal and obedient servants of this man and his work, entirely aside from the human element.

So what we see today is nothing new for us old National Socialists. We therefore have no doubt of the outcome of Germany’s current battle for its national existence. Our whole people has the same instinctive feelings, which are the cause of the blind and unshakable confidence it places in the Führer.

The man in the street is usually not in a position to understand the entire political situation. He lacks the practice, the experience and above all the background necessary to form a clear and certain judgment. It is therefore entirely understandable why he dislikes theories and programs, and prefers to place his firm and confident faith in a personality.

A nation inclines to doctrines only when it is poor in personalities. But when a man of historic greatness stands at its head, one who not only wants to lead but is able to do so, the people will follow him with its whole heart, giving him its willing and obedient allegiance. Even more, it will put all of its love and their blind confidence behind him and his work.

A nation is willing to sacrifice when it knows what it is sacrificing for and why it is necessary. That is true in Germany today. None of the numerous slogans that the broad masses of our people heard in the years after 1918 has had such powerful effect on the entire nation as the phrase “One People, one Reich, one Führer!”

The first two phrases were heard for the first time in 1937 at a singing festival in Breslau. The Führer stood high on the platform against the gathering darkness. Hundreds of thousands of people had gathered from every corner of the nation and from everywhere in Europe where Germans dwell to hear him speak. Suddenly, from the corner of this army of hundreds of thousands where the Austrians stood came the call “One people, one Reich.” It gripped and fascinated the whole crowd, and for the first time gave concise but clear expression to a program.

A year later we saw the Führer on a hot Sunday afternoon standing on the platform at the Schloßplatz in Breslau once again. German gymnasts performed before him. As the racial comrades from the Sudetenland passed before him, without command or order, they suddenly formed a wall before him. These people who had come from the Sudetenland to Breslau only to see his face, refused to move. Weeping women seized his hand. One could not understand what they were trying to say, since tears drowned their voices.

Once again, it was only a few months before the problem they had brought to the Führer was solved.

The Greater German Reich, in the truest sense of the word, has now become a reality. Even more, the Führer has given his peace to Central Europe. It is clear that this is not to the pleasure of those democratic enviers of the National Socialist Reich. Through the Treaty of Versailles they had build a ring of trouble spots around Germany that they could use to keep the Reich in constant difficulties.

A man has come from the broad masses of the German people who removed these trouble spots with the firmest measures. Democracy sees its hopes vanishing. That explains their rage and moralistic disappointments. Their hypocritical prayers came too late. The enemies of the Reich are at the end of their rope. They look ridiculous, and cannot understand why.

We greet their hysterical cries with sovereign contempt, a sovereign contempt shared by the entire German people. The German people know that the Führer has restored it to its rightful position in the world. The Reich stands in the shadow of the German sword. Germany’s economy, culture and popular life are blooming under a security guaranteed by the army. The nation, once sunk into impotence, has risen to new greatness.

We remember all of this as we begin to celebrate the 50th birthday of the man whom we thank for our nation’s might and our people’s greatness. No German at home or anywhere else in the world can fail to take the deepest and heartiest pleasure in participation. It is a holiday of the nation, and we want to celebrate it as such.

A people fighting for its fate must now and again stop in the midst of the tumult of events to remind itself of its situation, methods and goals. Today is such a time. The nation puts on its best clothing and stands before its Führer united in loyalty and brotherhood, to bring him their heartiest best wishes on his 50th birthday. These are the wishes of all Germans in the Reich, as well as those in every other nation and continent. Germans throughout the world join with us who have the good fortune to live in the Reich in these warm and thankful wishes. To this choir of a hundred million are joined the voices of all those peoples want true peace and order in Europe, who love its history and its culture.

As we begin to celebrate the Führer’s 50th birthday in this festive hour as a great national community, we join in a fervent prayer to Almighty God that he graciously preserve in the future his life and work. May he grant the German people’s deepest wish and keep the Führer in health and strength for many more years and decades. Then we will not need to fear for the future of the Reich. The fate of the German nation rests in a strong and sure hand.

We, the Führer’s oldest followers and fellow fighters join together at this festive hour with the hearty wish that we have always had on the birthday of this man: May he remain for us what he is and always was:

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Poland, US museum tussle over Auschwitz barracks

Friday, February 24th, 2012

Polish and U.S. officials are engaged in intense talks to determine the fate of a sensitive object: a barrack that once housed doomed prisoners at the Nazis’ Auschwitz death camp and is now on display at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.

WARSAW, Poland

Polish and U.S. officials are engaged in intense talks to determine the fate of a sensitive object: a barrack that once housed doomed prisoners at the Nazis’ Auschwitz death camp and is now on display at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.

Poland is demanding the return of the artifact, which has been on loan to the Washington museum for more than 20 years and is an important object in its permanent exhibition. But the U.S. museum is resisting the demand, saying the valuable object shouldn’t be moved partly because it is too fragile.

“Due to the barrack’s size and the complexity of its installation, removing and transporting it to Poland presents special difficulties, including potentially damaging the artifact,” the U.S. Holocaust museum said in a statement to The Associated Press. “Both the Museum and our Polish partners have been actively discussing various proposals, and we remain committed to continue working with them to resolve this matter.”

The issue has arisen because of a Polish law aimed at safeguarding a cultural heritage ravaged by past wars, particularly World War II. Under the law, passed in 2003, any historic object on loan abroad must return to Poland every five years for inspection. While Poland appears open to renewing the loan, it says the barracks must return – at least temporarily.

Because of the rule, the U.S. museum in recent years has already returned thousands of objects dating to the Holocaust, including suitcases, shoes and prosthetic limbs, often in exchange for new, temporary loans of similar or identical items.

The barracks on view in Washington are, in fact, just half of a wooden building where prisoners slept in cramped, filthy and often freezing conditions as they awaited extermination, often in gas chambers. The remaining half still stands at Birkenau, a part of the vast Auschwitz-Birkenau complex.

The two camps, Auschwitz and Birkenau, are about two miles (three kilometers) apart but were part of the same machinery of death during the war and the complex is typically referred to simply as “Auschwitz.”

The director of the Auschwitz-Birkenau museum, Piotr Cywinski, accuses the U.S. institution of violating the terms of a 20-year loan on the barracks, saying the loan expired in 2009.

“We have indicated many times that this half of the barracks must return, that there is no other solution in accordance with the law,” Cywinski said. “It’s a very important object, not just for Washington but for the integrity of Birkenau, the last authentic site of Holocaust remembrance among all the major death camps.”

Many of Poland’s paintings, churches and other cultural gems were stolen, burned or otherwise destroyed during World War II, when Nazi Germany occupied the country, killed 6 million Polish citizens and built death camps across the country where they brought Jews and others from across Europe for extermination.

The legacy today is that the country possesses few old Polish treasures but has many Holocaust relics – including the sprawling site of Auschwitz-Birkenau in the south of the country that is one of the most visited Holocaust remembrance sites in Europe.

The memorial site, in fact, has many personal items that belonged to victims and frequently loans them out to institutions across the world, including Yad Vashem in Israel.

The matter between the Polish and U.S. institutions is extremely delicate and officials on both sides have resisted giving many details, or saying how the matter might be resolved. Poland’s ministries of foreign affairs and culture are also involved in the matter but did not respond to AP requests for comment.

Although the problem might appear intractable, the U.S. Holocaust museum and the Auschwitz-Birkenau museum have cooperated well in the past and share similar missions of Holocaust remembrance – leading to expectations they will reach an eventual compromise.

The U.S. Holocaust museum confirms that the 20-year loan on the barracks began in 1989, but says that it was a renewable loan – and notes that Polish law was changed since then.

The fate of Cywinski, the Auschwitz museum director, is at stake in the matter. Under the law on protecting historic artifacts, he could be jailed for up to two years if he fails to obtain the return of any object on loan.

Roman Rewald, a Warsaw-based lawyer who has represented the U.S. Holocaust museum in the past on a pro-bono basis and has knowledge of the current discussions, says the matter comes down to Polish law, which is rigid and hard to work around.

The law would do a good job, for instance, of stopping an official from giving away a precious 16th century painting, but isn’t as well-suited to regulating Holocaust artifacts, which probably shouldn’t be moved so often.

“The Polish law is designed to make sure that nobody has any leeway in allowing Polish artifacts to leave the country permanently,” Rewald said. “Poland is trying to protect its artifacts, all of them. Unfortunately Holocaust artifacts, which Poland has an abundance of, fall into the same category as all the other artifacts which Poland has been robbed of during wars, especially World War II.”


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This is National Socialism!

Tuesday, February 21st, 2012
When you were born, you were a national socialist, because at the time of your birth you subjugated yourself to nature and were humble before it. Now you’ve come to point through degeneration, a point when you feel that you have no goal in life, but only an empty life filled with material gain and comfort. You’re simply a national socialist who has suffered through decades of degeneration.
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Hitler Speaks in Munich SPEECH OF APRIL 27, 1923

Tuesday, February 7th, 2012

WHAT we need if we are to have a real People’s State is a land reform…. We do not believe that the mere dividing up of the land can by itself bring any alleviation. The conditions of a nation‘s life can in the last resort be bettered only through the political will to expansion. Therein lies the essential characteristic of a sound reform.

And land [Grund und Boden], we must insist, cannot be made an object for speculation. Private property can be only that which a man has gained for himself, has won through his work. A natural product is not private property, that is national property. Land is thus no object for bargaining.

Further, there must be a reform in our law. Our present law regards only the rights of the individual. It does not regard the protection of the race, the protection of the community of the people. It permits the befouling of the nation’s honor and of the greatness of the nation. A law which is so far removed from the conception of the community of the people is in need of reform.

Further, changes are needed in our system of education. We suffer today from an excess of culture [Ueberbildung] Only knowledge is valued. But wiseacres are the enemies of action. What we need is instinct and will. Most people have lost both through their ‘culture.’ We have, it is true, a highly intellectual class, but it is lacking in energy. If, through our overvaluation of mechanical knowledge, we had not so far removed ourselves from popular sentiment, the Jew would never have found his way to our people so easily as he has done. What we need is the possibility of a continuous succession of intellectual leaders drawn from the people itself.

Clear away the Jews! Our own people has genius enough – we need no Hebrews. If we were to put in their place intelligences drawn from the great body of our people, then we should have recovered the bridge which leads to the community of the people.

AGAIN, WE NEED A REFORM OF THE GERMAN PRESS.

A press which is on principle anti-national cannot be tolerated in Germany. Whoever denies the nation can have no part in it. We must demand that the press shall become the instrument of the national self-education.

FINALLY WE NEED A REFORM IN THE SPHERE OF ART, LITERATURE, AND THE THEATER. The Government must see to it that its people is not poisoned. There is a higher right which is based on the recognition of that which harms a people, and that which harms a people must be done away with.

And after this reform we shall come to recognize the duty of self-preservation. A man who says: ‘I deny that I have a right to defend my personal life’ has thereby denied his right to exist. TO BE A PACIFIST ARGUES A LACK OF CONVICTION, A LACK OF CHARACTER. For the pacifist is indeed ready enough to claim the help of others, but himself declines to defend himself. It is precisely the same with a people. A people which is not prepared to protect itself is a people without character. We must recover for our people as one of its most elementary principles the recognition of the fact that a man is truly man only if he defends and protects himself, that a people deserves that name only if in case of necessity it is prepared as a people to enter the lists. That is not militarism, that is self-preservation.

THEREFORE WE NATIONAL SOCIALISTS STAND FOR COMPULSORY MILITARY SERVICE FOR EVERY MAN. If a State is not worth that – then away with it! Then you must not complain if you are enslaved. But if you believe that you must be free, then you must learn to recognize that no one gives you freedom save only your own sword. What our people needs is not leaders in Parliament, but those who are determined to carry through what they see to be right before God, before the world, and before their own consciences – and to carry that through, if need be, in the teeth of majorities. And if we succeed in raising such leaders from the body of our people, then around them once again a nation will crystallize itself… It is the pride of our Movement to be the force which shall awake the Germany of fighters which yet shall be.

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German Women by Joseph Goebbels

Sunday, February 5th, 2012

German women, German men !

It is a happy accident that my first speech since taking charge of the Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda is to German women. Although I agree with Treitschke that men make history, I do not forget that women raise boys to manhood. You know that the National Socialist movement is the only party that keeps women out of daily politics. This arouses bitter criticism and hostility, all of it very unjustified. We have kept women out of the parliamentary-democratic intrigues of the past fourteen years in Germany not because we do not respect them, but because we respect them too much. We do not see the woman as inferior, but rather as having a different mission, a different value, than that of the man. Therefore we believed that the German woman, who more than any other in the world is a woman in the best sense of the word, should use her strength and abilities in other areas than the man.

The woman has always been not only the man’s sexual companion, but also his fellow worker. Long ago, she did heavy labor with the man in the field. She moved with him into the cities, entering the offices and factories, doing her share of the work for which she was best suited. She did this with all her abilities, her loyalty, her selfless devotion, her readiness to sacrifice.

The woman in public life today is no different than the women of the past. No one who understands the modern age would have the crazy idea of driving women from public life, from work, profession, and bread winning. But it must also be said that those things that belong to the man must remain his. That includes politics and the military. That is not to disparage women, only a recognition of how she can best use her talents and abilities.

Looking back over the past years of Germany’s decline, we come to the frightening, nearly terrifying, conclusion that the less German men were willing to act as men in public life, the more women succumbed to the temptation to fill the role of the man. The feminization of men always leads to the masculinization of women. An age in which all great idea of virtue, of steadfastness, of hardness, and determination have been forgotten should not be surprised that the man gradually loses his leading role in life and politics and government to the woman.

It may be unpopular to say this to an audience of women, but it must be said, because it is true and because it will help make clear our attitude toward women.

The modern age, with all its vast revolutionary transformations in government, politics, economics, and social relations has not left women and their role in public life untouched. Things we thought impossible several years or decades ago are now everyday reality. Some good, noble, and commendable things have happened. But also things that are contemptible and humiliating. These revolutionary transformations have largely taken from women their proper tasks. Their eyes were set in directions that were not appropriate for them. The result was a distorted public view of German womanhood that had nothing to do with former ideals.

A fundamental change is necessary. At the risk of sounding reactionary and outdated, let me say this clearly: The first, best, and most suitable place for the women is in the family, and her most glorious duty is to give children to her people and nation, children who can continue the line of generations and who guarantee the immortality of the nation. The woman is the teacher of the youth, and therefore the builder of the foundation of the future. If the family is the nation’s source of strength, the woman is its core and center. The best place for the woman to serve her people is in her marriage, in the family, in motherhood. This is her highest mission. That does not mean that those women who are employed or who have no children have no role in the motherhood of the German people. They use their strength, their abilities, their sense of responsibility for the nation, in other ways. We are convinced, however, that the first task of a socially reformed nation must be to again give the woman the possibility to fulfill her real task, her mission in the family and as a mother.

The national revolutionary government is everything but reactionary. It does not want to stop the pace of our rapidly moving age. It has no intention of lagging behind the times. It wants to be the flag bearer and pathfinder of the future. We know the demands of the modern age. But that does not stop us from seeing that every age has its roots in motherhood, that there is nothing of greater importance than the living mother of a family who gives the state children.

German women have been transformed in recent years. They are beginning to see that they are not happier as a result of being given more rights but fewer duties. They now realize that the right to be elected to public office at the expense of the right to life, motherhood, and her daily bread is not a good trade.

A characteristic of the modern era is a rapidly declining birthrate in our big cities. In 1900, two million babies were born in Germany. Now the number has fallen to one million. This drastic decline is most evident in the nation’s capital. In the last fourteen years, Berlin’s birthrate has become the lowest of any European city. By 1955, without emigration, it will have only about three million inhabitants. The government is determined to halt this decline of the family and the resulting impoverishment of our blood. There must be a fundamental change. The liberal attitude toward the family and the child is responsible for Germany’s rapid decline. We today must begin worrying about an aging population. In 1900 there were seven children for each elderly person, today it is only four. If current trends continue, by 1988 the ratio will be 1 : 1. These statistics say it all. They are the best proof that if Germany continues along its current path, it will end in an abyss with breathtaking speed. We can almost determine the decade when Germany collapses because of depopulation.

We are not willing to stand aside and watch the collapse of our national life and the destruction of the blood we have inherited. The national revolutionary government has the duty to rebuilt the nation on its original foundations, to transform the life and work of the woman so that it once again best serves the national good. It intends to eliminate the social inequalities so that once again the life of our people and the future of our people and the immortality of our blood is assured.

I welcome this exhibition, whose goal is to explain and teach, and to reduce or eliminate harm to the individual and the whole people. This serves the nation and popular enlightenment, and to support it is one of the happiest duties of the new government.

Perhaps this exhibition titled “The Woman” will represent a turning point. If the goal of the exhibition is to give an impression of women in contemporary society, it does so at a time when German society is undergoing the greatest changes in generations. I am aware of how difficult this is. I know the obstacles that had to be overcome to give this exhibition a clear theme and a firm structure. It should show the significance of the woman for the family, the people, and the whole nation. Displays will give an impression of the actual life of women today, and will provide the knowledge necessary to resolve today’s conflicting opinions, which were not primarily the result of the contemporary women’s movement.

But that is not all. The main purpose of the exhibition “The Woman” is not only to show the way things are, but to make proposals for improvement. It aims to show new ways and new opportunities. Clear and often drastic examples will give thousands of German women reason to think and consider. It is particularly pleasing to us men in the new government that families with many children are given particular attention, since we want to rescue the nation from decline. The importance of the family cannot be overestimated, especially in families without fathers that depend entirely upon the mother. In these families the woman has sole responsibility for the children, and she must realize the responsibility she has to her people and nation.

We do not believe that the German people is destined by fate to decline. We have blind confidence that Germany still has a great mission in the world. We have faith that we are not at the end of our history, but rather that a new, great and honorable period of our history is now beginning. This faith give us the strength to work and not despair. It enabled us to make great sacrifices over the past fourteen years. It gave millions of German women the strength to hope in Germany and its future, and to let their sons join in the reawakening of the nation. This faith was with the brave women who lost their husbands and breadwinners in the war, with those who gave their sons in the battle to renew their people. This faith kept us standing during the need and desperation of the past fourteen years. And this faith today fills us with new hope that Germany will again find its place in the sun.

Nothing makes one harder and more determined than struggle. Nothing gives more courage than to face resistance. During the years when Germany seemed destined to decline, a new kind of womanhood developed under the confused veneer of modern civilization. It is hard, determined, courageous, willing to sacrifice. During the four years of the great war and the fourteen years of German collapse that followed, German women and mothers proved themselves worthy companions of their men. They have borne all the bitterness, all the privation and danger, and did not fail when hit by misfortune, worry and trouble. As long as a nation has such a proud and noble womanhood, it cannot perish. These women are the foundation of our race, of its blood and of its future.

This is the beginning of a new German womanhood. If the nation once again has mothers who proudly and freely choose motherhood, it cannot perish. If the woman is healthy, the people will be healthy. Woe to the nation that neglects its women and mothers. It condemns itself.

We hope that the concept of the German woman will again earn the honor and respect of the entire world. The German woman will then take her pride in her land and her people, in thinking German and feeling German. The honor of her nation and her race will be most important to her. Only a nation that does not forget its honor will be able to guarantee its daily bread.

The German woman should never forget that.

I declare this exhibition open. May it reveal all the former errors and show the way to the future.

Then the world will once again respect us, and we will be able to affirm the words of Walther von der Vogelweide, who had this to say about the German woman in his famous poem:

He who seeks
Virtue and proper love,
Should come to our land.
There is much joy.
Long may I live there.
 
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A HISTORICAL ADOLF HITLER SPEECH (WITH ENGLISH SUBTITLES)

Monday, January 30th, 2012
THIS HISTORICAL HITLER SPEECH IS FROM TRIUMPH OF THE WILL/TRIUMPH DES WILLENS.
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PROGRAM OF THE NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS’ PARTY

Sunday, January 29th, 2012

The National Socialist German Workers’ Party – registered as the “National Socialist German Workers’ Union” – at a great mass meeting on February 25, 1920, in the Hofbrauhaus-Festsaal in Munich, announced its program to the world.

In Section 2 of the Constitution of our Party this program is declared to be unalterable. It is as follows:

The program of the German Workers’ Party is limited as to period. The leaders have no intention, once the aims announced in it have been achieved, of setting up fresh ones in order to ensure the continued existence of the Party by the artificially inspired discontent of the masses.

 

      1. We demand the union of all Germans, on the basis of the right of the self-determination of peoples, to form a Great Germany.

2. We demand equality of rights for the German people in its dealings with other nation, and abolition of the Peace Treaties of Versailles and St. Germain.

3. We demand land and territory (colonies) for the nourishment of our people and for settling our surplus population.

4. None but members of the nation may be citizens of the State. None but those of German blood, whatever their creed, may be members of the nation. No Jew, therefore, may be a member of the nation.

5. Anyone who is not a citizen of the State may live in Germany only as a guest and must be regarded as being subject to the Alien Laws.

6. The right of voting on the leadership and laws of the State is to be enjoyed by the citizens of the State alone. We demand, therefore, that all official positions, of whatever kind, whether in the Reich, the provinces, or the small communities, shall be held by citizens of the State alone. We oppose the corrupt parliamentary custom of filling posts merely with a view to party considerations, and without reference to character or ability.

7. We demand that the State shall make it its first duty to promote the industry and livelihood of the citizens of the State. If it is not possible to nourish the entire population of the State, foreign national (non-citizens of the State) must be excluded from the Reich.

8. All further non-German immigration must be prevented. We demand that all non-Germans who entered Germany subsequently to August 2, 1914, shall be required forthwith to depart from the Reich.

9. All citizens of the State shall possess equal rights and duties.

10. It must be the first duty of every citizen of the State to perform mental or physical work. The activities of the individual must not clash with the interests of the whole, but must proceed within the framework of the community and must be for the general good.

We Demand Therefore:

11. Abolition of incomes unearned by work. BREAKING OF THE THRALDOM OF INTEREST.

12. In view of the enormous sacrifice of life and property demanded of a nation by every war, personal enrichment through war must be regarded as a crime against the nation. We demand, therefore, the total confiscation of all war profits.

13. We demand the nationalization of all businesses which have (hitherto) been amalgamated (into trusts).

14. We demand that there shall be profit sharing in the great industries.

15. We demand a generous development of provision for old age.

16. We demand the creation and maintenance of a healthy middle class, immediate communalization of the large department stores and their lease at a low rate to small traders, and that the most careful consideration shall be shown to all small traders in purveying to the State, the provinces, or smaller communities.

17. We demand a land reform suitable to our national requirements, the passing of a law for the confiscation without compensation of land for communal purposes, the abolition of interest on land mortgages, and prohibition of all speculation in land. [On April 13, 1928, Adolf Hitler made the following elucidation to the program: “Because of the mendacious interpretations on the part of our opponents of Point 17 of the program of the NSDAP, the following explanation is necessary.: Since the NSDAP is fundamentally based on the principle of private property, it is obvious that the expression “confiscation without compensation” refers merely to the creation of possible legal means of confiscating when necessary, land illegally acquired, or not administered in accordance with the national welfare. It is therefore directed in the first instance against the Jewish companies which speculate in land.]

18. We demand ruthless war upon all those whose activities are injurious to the common interest. Sordid criminals against the nation, usurers, profiteers, etc., must be punished with death, whatever their creed or race.

19. We demand that the Roman law, which serves the materialistic world order, shall be replaced by a German common law.

20. With the aim of opening to every capable and industrious German the possibility of higher education and consequent advancement to leading positions, the State must consider a thorough reconstruction of our national system of education. The curriculum of all educational establishments must be brought into line with the requirements of practical life. Directly the mind begins to develop the schools must aim at teaching the pupil to understand the idea of the State (State sociology). We demand the education of specially gifted children of poor parents, whatever their class or occupation, at the expense of the State.

21. The State must apply itself to raising the standard of health in the nation by protecting mothers and infants, prohibiting child labor, and increasing bodily efficiency by legally obligatory gymnastics and sports, and by extensive support of clubs engaged in the physical training of the young.

22. We demand the abolition of mercenary troops and the formation of a national army.

23. We demand legal warfare against conscious political lies and their dissemination in the press. In order to facilitate the creation of a German national press we demand that: (a) all editors, and their co-workers, of newspapers employing the German language must be members of the nation; (b) special permission from the State shall be necessary before non-German newspapers may appear (these need not necessarily be printed in the German language); ( c ) non-Germans shall be prohibited by law from participating financially in or influencing German newspapers, and the penalty for contravention of the shall be suppression of any such newspaper, and immediate deportation of the non-German involved It must be forbidden to publish newspapers which are damaging to the national welfare. We demand the legal prosecution of all tendencies in art and literature which exert a destructive influence on our national life and the closing of institutions which militate against the above-mentioned requirements.

24. We demand liberty for all religious denominations in the State, so far as they are not a danger to it and do not militate against the moral and ethical feelings of the German race. The Party, as such, stands for positive Christianity, but does not bind itself in the matter of creed to any particular confession. It combats the Jewish-materialist spirit within and without us, and is convinced that our nation can achieve permanent recovery from within only on the principle: THE COMMON INTEREST BEFORE SELF-INTEREST

25. That all the foregoing requirements may be realized we demand the creation of a strong, central national authority; unconditional authority of the central legislative body over the entire Reich and its organizations in general; and the formation of diets and vocational chambers for the purpose of executing the general laws promulgated by the Reich in the various States of the Confederation. The leaders of the Party swear to proceed regardless of consequences – if necessary at the sacrifice of their lives – toward the fulfillment of the foregoing Points.

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French honor Memphian for WWII military service

Monday, January 23rd, 2012

Seventy years after Dow Crews fought in the liberation of France from Nazi Germany, the World War II veteran and native Memphian got a big “thank you” from the country he helped defend.

Crews, 87, and eight members of his family traveled to Atlanta on Jan. 12 where he and 14 other World War II veterans were inducted into the French Legion of Honor.

Unlike veterans of more recent wars, Crews said World War II veterans are often shown courtesy and respect for their service.

“It makes you feel very humble to think that people think that much of your service,” said Crews, who lives in East Memphis and spent his postwar career working in the credit department at Goldsmith’s.

“I don’t know about all veterans, but when people find out that I am a veteran of World War II, people will come up to you that you don’t know and speak to you and thank you for your service. I would hope that all veterans have that type of experience.”

The National Order of the Legion of Honor was first established by the emperor Napoleon in 1802 to recognize those who render great personal service to France. It is France’s highest order.

Crews was drafted into the Army at age 18 in 1942 and served as a rifle platoon sergeant in Company I in the 397th regiment of the 100th Infantry Division. Over the next year and a half, he led about 40 men in campaigns across southern France, Alsace and later in central and southern Germany.

“Young people at that age doing what we were doing felt that they were immortal and wouldn’t get hurt,” said Crews. “We were doing what we thought we should do and wanted to do.

“It’s a different situation now. (Families) could be in contact with (soldiers) every day through the Internet. With me, if I got a letter once every six months that was something.”

Crews was awarded a Bronze Star by the United States and returned home without having been wounded. Crews said about 75 percent of the men in his division were either wounded or killed.

“The biggest fear as far as I was concerned was walking through land-mine fields,” said Crews. “They were covered up and you didn’t know you were in it. Then you didn’t know how to get out.”

In Atlanta, the award, including a medal and a certificate signed by French President Nicolas Sarkozy, was presented by Pascal Le Deunff, Consul General of France for the American Southeast, who said the United States and France have “intertwined destinies” because of their shared histories in World War II.

“Without each other, neither France nor America would be the country it is today,” said Le Deunff in his remarks. “The French-American friendship is bound in blood, and let’s always remember that our two nations owe each other their own existence as free countries.”

Crews began the application process about six months ago. His account of his war experiences were documented and verified in Washington before being forwarded on to France for approval.

All of the honorees hail from southeastern states.

The recognition was made all the more poignant by the safe return of Crews’ grandson, Phillip Crews, who recently served with the 101st Airborne Division in Afghanistan.

Despite the fact that communication is more technologically advanced now and that discussions about the reasons behind wars are more open, Crews said support for veterans may be dwindling.

“When we went into World War II, the whole country was 100 percent behind it,” said Crews. “It was just a question of when should we get started? There were some questions about World War II, but it didn’t get the publicity that it does today. I’m sure it’s very difficult for the ones in service if they don’t get the support.”

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Russian diplomats against praising Nazi collaborators

Friday, December 30th, 2011

The Russian embassy in the Estonian capital Tallinn has sharply criticized Estonia’s plans to introduce a law which would proclaim all Estonians who fought against the Soviet Union during WWII “fighters for freedom”.

The Estonian government’s plans to adopt such a law were revealed by the country’s Defense Minister Mar Laar in a newspaper interview.

Russia is worried that if the law is adopted, Estonians who collaborated with German Nazis will be also proclaimed fighters for freedo

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Nazi spy was Britain’s first double agent in reality

Wednesday, December 28th, 2011

London, Dec 28 : A British engineer, who has been regarded as a Nazi spy for years, was actually UK’s first double-agent who played a vital role in helping Allies defeat Germany, according to a recently released book

Arthur Owens, who was a Welsh nationalist with little sympathy for the United Kingdom, was employed to spy for Germany during a business trip to Belgium in 1935.

In the build up to the Second World War, Owens, who was given the code name Johnny O’Brien, assisted in transporting important information to the Nazi regime about Britain’s military preparations.

However, the book by well-known espionage writer Nigel West and Welsh author Madoc Roberts has asserted that after his activities became known to MI5, he agreed to become the agency’s first double agent.

The book: Snow – The Double Life of a World War II Spy unfolds Owens critical role in undermining Germany’s espionage efforts and paving the way for a string of flourishing double agents.

The book revealed that as the most crucial member of MI5’s XX unit – the two Xs standing for double cross – Agent Snow, as he was known, helped deliver scores of German spies into the arms of the British.

“Arthur Owens was a very complex character and the more you discover about him the more complex he appears. His contribution to the war effort is undeniable, but what is less certain is what his motivations were,” the Telegraph quoted Roberts as saying.

“Ultimately he was probably out for himself. But even if his intentions were not entirely honourable, without him the entire course of the war may have been different,” he added. (ANI)

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Holocaust archive to be available in UK

Friday, December 23rd, 2011

For first time, British public will be able to access 50 million digital records from Nazi-era, World War II and 10 years that followed

Some 50 million digital records from the Holocaust, covering 17.5 million people, will soon be available to the British public for the first time.

The International Tracing Service (ITS) archive contains records from concentration, slave labor and displaced persons’ camps from the Nazi-era, World War II and the 10 years that followed.

The UK public will soon be able to access the digital archive, free of charge, at The Wiener Library in London – the world’s oldest Holocaust memorial institution. The Library already hosts the UK’s largest collection of personal papers and testimonies of refugees and Holocaust survivors.

On December 14, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office jointly hosted a reception with the UK ITS Stakeholder Group to mark the arrival in the UK of the digital archive. The Stakeholder Group comprises the leading UK scholars on Nazi Germany as well as the major groups and institutions from across the UK engaged with the Holocaust and its aftermath.

Speaking ahead of the UK launch of the Archive, British Foreign Secretary William Hague said “the International Tracing Service archive is hugely significant. Allowing the British public access to the Archive in the UK for the first time will enable Holocaust survivors, refugees and their descendants to obtain information about the fate of their relatives who suffered at the hands of the Nazis.

“It will also provide an invaluable collection of primary source material for UK based academic researchers and students, and is further proof of the UK’s active approach to preserving the memory of the Holocaust.”

Urgent humanitarian need

Anne Webber, chair of the UK ITS Stakeholder Group, said: “The Stakeholder Group was created to ensure a copy of the Archive was made available in the UK as soon as possible and we are very pleased that the government responded positively to our initiative. It has long been an urgent humanitarian need for people in the UK to have the opportunity to discover the fate of their loved ones, even at this late hour.

“Since the Archive has opened, brothers have found sisters, sons have found mothers, each of whom had never known the other had survived. This is the foremost collection of material on the Holocaust and its aftermath, and having a copy of the Archive in the UK will provide scholars and educators with a vital resource to research, study and teach one of the defining episodes in human history.”

Ben Barkow, director of the Wiener Library, said: “The arrival of the digitized archives of the International Tracing Service in the UK, supported by the huge scholarly and humanitarian resources of The Wiener Library, is very exciting. We are grateful to the Foreign Secretary and government officials as well as to our partners in the Stakeholder Group for getting us this far.

“We all – inside and outside government – look forward to seeing the archive opened up to survivors, their descendants and those concerned with Holocaust education and research once the funding arrangements are in place.”

The Archive was created as a result of a remarkable initiative dating to 1943 when the British Red Cross set up a Tracing Bureau whose purpose to ensure that those millions of people displaced and missing during the World War II could trace and be traced by their families.

In 1944 the Bureau became the International Tracing Bureau, and in 1947 the International Tracing Service. Britain has remained at the forefront ever since, both in gathering up records during and after the World War II and as part of the International Commission governing the Archive since it was deposited at Bad Arolsen, Germany, in 1945.

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