Ian Stuart Donaldson Skrewdriver

Posts Tagged ‘Reich’

Hitler’s Speech at the Berlin Sports Palace (January 30, 1941)

Monday, August 27th, 2012

My German countrymen, men and women, (long pause) Changes of Government have occurred frequently in history, and in the history of our people. It is certain, however, that never was a change of Government attended with such far-reaching results as that eight years ago. At that time the situation of the Reich was desperate. We were called upon to take over the leadership of the nation at a moment when it did not seem to develop towards a great rise. We were given power in circumstances of the greatest conceivable pressure, the pressure of the knowledge that, by itself, everything was lost, and that, in the eyes of the noblest minds, this represented a last attempt, while in the eyes of evil-wishers it should condemn the National-Socialist Movement to final failure. Unless the German nation could be saved, by a miracle, the situation was bound to end in disaster. For during a period of 15 years, events had moved downwards without respite. On the other hand, this situation was only the result of the World War: of the outcome of the World War, of our own internal, political, moral, and military collapse. For these reasons it is particularly important on a day like this to think back to the course of that entire national misfortune.

What was the cause of the World War? I do not want to explain it from the personal aspect, about which so many treatises have been written. Ordered by the present President Roosevelt, American scholars have investigated the cause of the World War and made sure that there could be no German guilt. In moments of so great importance in contemporary history, individuals can play a significant part only if they enter the scene as really outstanding personalities. This was not then the case. Neither on the German nor on the other side were there personalities cast in an unusual mould. The cause, therefore, could not be due to the failure or to the will of individuals. The reasons went deeper. The German form of government, certainly, could not have been the cause of that war, for Germany was a democracy already-and what a democracy! Strictly copied from the western countries, it was compromise between monarchy and parliamentary leadership. On account of its form of government then, this State could certainly not be the cause of the war waged by the democracies against the Reich as it was then. Germany, considered as a political factor in the world, was much more of a cause, for after centuries of disruption and ensuing weakness, the German tribes and states had at last combined into a new State which naturally introduced a new element into the so-called Balance of Power, an element which was regarded as an alien body by others. Even more potent, perhaps was dislike of the Reich as an economic factor. After Germany had tried for centuries to remedy her economic distress by letting people gradually starve or forcing them to emigrate, the increasing consolidation of the, political power of the Reich gave rise to a development of economic power. Germany began to export commodities rather than men, thereby securing the necessary markets in the world, a process, natural and just from our point of view, but others regarded it as encroachment into their most sacred domains.

Here we come to the State which regarded this encroachment as intolerable-England.

Three hundred years earlier England had gradually built her Empire, not perhaps through the free will or the unanimous demonstrations of those affected, but for 300 years this World Empire was welded together solely by force. War followed war. One nation after another was robbed of its freedom-one state after another was shattered so that the structure which calls itself the British Empire might arise. Democracy was nothing but a mask covering subjugation and the oppression of nations and individuals. This State cannot allow its members to vote if today, after they have been worked upon for centuries, they should freely choose to be members of this Commonwealth. On the contrary, Egyptian Nationalists, Indian Nationalists in their thousands are filling the prisons. Concentration camps were not invented in Germany; it is the English who were the ingenious inventors of this idea. By these means they contrived to break the backbone of other nations, to remove their resistance, to wear them down, and make them prepared at last to submit to this British yoke of democracy.

In this process, a formidable weapon was that of lying, that is, of propaganda. A proverb says that if the Englishman speaks of God he means cotton. And so it is today. Considering how pious and religious are the outward gestures of men who deliberately, and with a cold heart, drive nation after nation into a struggle serving only their material interests, one is compelled to state that rarely has human hypocrisy reached such a pitch as that of the English today. At any rate, at the end of the blood-stained path of British history over three centuries stands the fact that 46,000,000 Englishmen in the mother country are ruling about a quarter of the globe.

This means that there are 46,000,000 men for about 40,000,000 square kilometres. It is important, my countrymen, to shout this to the world again and again, for they are brazen democratic liars who assert that the so-called Authoritarian States are out to conquer the world, while in fact, the conquerors of the world are our old enemies. The British World Empire has left behind an icy stream of blood and tears in the path of its creation. It rules today, undoubtedly, a tremendous section of the globe. But this world government is affected not by the power of an idea, but essentially by force, and where force does not suffice, by the power of capitalist or economic interests.

Bearing in mind the history of the British Empire, we can understand the process itself only as a result of the complete absence of the European Continent as an entity in face of this development, particularly by the absence of the German Reich. For 300 years, Germany was practically non-existent. While the British talked of God without losing sight of their economic interests, the German nation, overstrained to the limit, raised religious problems to such importance that bloody wars, lasting for centuries, ensued. This was one of the conditions which made the formation of the British Empire possible, for in the same measure with which the German nation spent its strength internally, it was eliminated as a power internationally, and in the same measure England could, undisturbed, build her Empire through robbery.

Not only was Germany practically eliminated from competition on this globe during those three centuries; the same holds for Italy, where there were similar phenomena as in Germany, but of a political and dynastic rather than a religious nature. For other reasons again, another great nation in East Asia was eliminated, which also for nearly four centuries had gradually withdrawn from the rest of the world, and ceasing to regard its own living space as vital plunged into voluntary solitude.

In this way a system arose, particularly in Europe, which England called the Balance of Power, which means, in fact, disorganization of the European Continent in favour of the British Isles. For this reason it was for centuries the aim of British policy to maintain this disorganization, not under the name of “disorganization” of course, but with a better sounding name. Just as they do not speak of cotton, but say “God,” they do not speak of the disorganization of Europe but of the “Balance of Power.” And this so-called Balance of Power, that is the real internal importance of Europe, enabled England again and again to play one State against another, so keeping the forces of Europe involved in internal struggle. Thus England could thrust forward undisturbed into other areas offering comparatively little resistance.

And yet to speak today of England’s World Power or of England as the master of the world, is nothing but an illusion. To begin with her internal situation: England, in spite of her world conquests is perhaps socially the most backward State in Europe. Socially backward-that is, a State orientated entirely in the interests of a comparatively small and thin upper stratum and the Jewish clique with which it is allied. The interests of the broad masses are of no weight in determining the orientation of this State. Here again propaganda phrases must serve. One speaks about freedom, one speaks about democracy, one speaks about the achievements of a Liberal system meaning nothing but the stabilization of the regime of a section of society, which, thanks to its capital, is able to get hold of the Press, to organize and direct it, and to create public opinion. Thus, in a State commanding the riches of the world, having gigantic living space at its disposal, in a State with altogether hardly one inhabitant per square kilometre, in a State so blessed by nature, millions are excluded from these benefits, and live in greater poverty than the population of any of the over-populated central European States. The country which is a paradise for a few, is nothing but continuous misery for many, that is, for the masses. Misery in nourishment, misery in clothing, misery particularly in housing; misery in security of income, and in the entire social legislation. And if all of a sudden a British Labour Secretary, who, incidentally, as a member of the Opposition, is paid by the State, appears and says: “After this war, after victory, England will have to tackle social problems; we will have to care for the wide masses,” I can only reply, “We have done this long ago.”

It is only interesting to us as a confirmation of our thesis that England in reality is socially the most backward country in the world. Thus, considered internally, this gigantic external wealth is really barren as far as the masses as distinct from the few are concerned. But even externally this world domination is only a figment. New centres have been given to the world. Gigantic States have arisen which can be neither attacked nor even threatened by Great Britain. The whole British idea of world domination was based on getting others to proceed against the Continent. But outside this European Continent or far beyond it great States have come into existence which are completely unassailable by England. British diplomacy may only attempt to maintain its position there by clever manipulations and by trying to bring other forces into play, which means that it must now attempt to raise the so-called Balance of Power in Europe to a Balance of Power in the world. In other words, it has to play Great Powers against each other in order to maintain at least a semblance of a World Power.

In Europe, itself, however, the awakening of the nations has already done away with the theory of the so-called Balance of Power, that is, disorganization of the Continent.

The national development of Germany and the creation of the new German Empire pierced into this disorganized European Continent and to the south of us, Italy did the same. To this must be added new elements which make the Balance of Power appear an illusion. It exists no longer. Therein we really see the real reason for the World War. Since 1871, when German tribes began to organize themselves and, under the leadership of a statesman of genius, formed an Empire once more, and the national rebirth of the German nation found expression in a united state, Great Britain has been persecuting this new apparition. In 1871, even in 1870, immediately after the battle of Sedan, British newspapers began to point out that this new structure was more dangerous to Great Britain than France had been. It had been hoped even then that Prussia might succeed, perhaps, by a long war, in throwing back France, but there was no wish that from Prussia’s rise there should emerge a national German re-birth or, even more, a new German Empire.

Thus began the period from 1871 to 1914, in which Great Britain continually plotted for a war against Germany, in which she was hostile and aggressive to Germany at every opportunity, until finally the World War broke out, the work of quite a small group of international, unscrupulous rogues. And Great Britain received foreign help for this World War, which, again, she was only able to wage with foreign help.

It is interesting to visualize the development of the British policy of world domination during the last 400 years. First, there was Spain, with Dutch help; then the fight against the Dutch, with the help of other European States, France amongst them; then, finally, was against France, with the help of Europe and that part of the world at Great Britain’s disposal.

The World War which shook Europe from 1914 to 1918 was exclusively the longed-for result of British statesmanship. Although the whole world had at that time been mobilized against Germany, Germany was actually not defeated. We may safely state this today.

I should not like to be a critic of the past if I had not improved upon it. But today, as one of the historic men who have improved matters, I may critically examine and judge the past, and all I can say is that the result of the year 1918 is merely the consequence of a rare accumulation of personal inefficiency in the leadership of our nation, a unique accumulation which had never existed before in history, nor-let me tell these gentlemen-will it ever be repeated. In spite of all this, this country and the German soldier for four years withstood the attack of a hostile world, and the German nation still believed in the honor of the remaining democratic world and its statesmen.

This credulity of the German nation, which was at the time regretted by many, received a terrible reward. If today Englishmen come along and believe that it is only necessary to put on the gramophone the old propaganda records of the years 1917-18 in order to achieve a new result, I can only say they have not forgotten anything, but unfortunately for them, they have not learned by experience. In this respect they differ from the German people. The German nation has learned since then; nor has it forgotten anything.

We do not wish to be mean. Many times there have been broken pledges in the past. But what happened in the years following 1918 was not one broken pledge; broken pledges were mass-produced. Not a single pledge has been fulfilled. Never before has a great nation been deceived as the German nation was then deceived. It had received so many assurances, this credulous nation had been promised so much, and what did they do to our nation? It was plundered, it was exploited. A foreign statesman, an American, was employed to make the German people even more credulous. Perhaps this was really the reason why the German people were duped by this manoeuvre. But in this respect, too, they are immune against any similar attempts. The German people had opportunities, year after year, to ponder the sincerity of democratic promises and assurances and the honesty of democratic statesmen, to make comparison and to test them against their own experiences. It was in this period that the National Socialist movement originated.

If they now say: “But why did they pounce on a new ideology?” my answer is “Because the old one failed miserably.” Not only in the interior-Heavens! democracy was a pitiful thing with us! When 40 or 50 odd parties compete with their gigantic philosophical interests, ranging from that of property down to the level of cyclists’ clubs, estate owners and so on, that in itself is a very bad sight; but quite apart from that; if we only had been rewarded externally for this miserable internal democratic distortion of our lives, we could at least say: “Well that stuff has certainly failed at home, but at least you received decent treatment outside.” At home the whole thing was, of course, nothing but a joke, but foreign countries took you seriously-or at least they pretended that they wanted to take you seriously. If they had kept some of their promises because you were willing to be good democrats on the pattern of others. Oh, if at least this had been the case! But who was it they blackmailed? Who was it they sweated? Was it the National Socialist State? It was the German democracy!

When I came home in 1918 and lived through the winter of 1918 and 1919, I realized, like many other people, that we could not expect regeneration from the existing political world in Germany, and so I began to search-as did so many others-and this was how that conception originated which later conquered the German nation as National-Socialism. I started from the one insight: the German nation fell because it indulged in the luxury of spending its strength at home. This use of strength in the interior took away external strength according to an external law.

The German nation had hoped to gain, in turn, the goodwill of others but it met only the naked egotism of the cruelest and meanest vested interests, which began to loot everything there was to loot. One should not have expected anything else. But now the die was cast. One thing seemed obvious to me: any rise could not originate from outside. First, the German nation had to learn to understand its own political struggle, which enabled it to rally Germany’s entire strength above all its idealistic strength. And this idealistic strength was at the time only to be found in two camps; in the Socialist and in the Nationalist camps. But these were the camps between which there was the most mortal feud and strife. These two camps had to be fused into a new unit.

Today, my countrymen, when millions and millions are marching under the symbol of this unity, this appears to be obvious. But in the years 1918 and 19l9, this seemed to be the product of a diseased imagination. At best, people pitied me. Perhaps, my countrymen, it was lucky that it was so. If people had taken me seriously at that time, they would probably have destroyed me, and the movement at that time was much too small to be able to survive such a destruction. But it was perhaps destiny willed by nature or by God, that they laughed at us, mocked us, and that a certain type of propaganda only ridiculed us and regarded us as a joke. Thus we succeeded, gradually, in forming the first germ, and the first nucleus of a new national community-an almost incredible historical phenomenon started by unknown people and willing followers among the masses of the people itself.

There is only one other State in which this process may be regarded as having come to a successful conclusion: Italy; nowhere else in Europe. In many States we see, perhaps, a beginning and in all the democracies they fully realise the importance of such a process, and believe that they can achieve similar results by swindle. They forget one thing: such a rebirth of a nation is really a miraculous event, an event which pre-supposes faith rather than so-called abstract and super-clever knowledge.

The fact that in the years 1918 to 1921 the simple belief of the broad masses slowly came to us, was the beginning of our Movement. That made the little man from the factories and the mines, from the farms, from the offices, believe in his future, in the future of this idea and this Movement, and in the victory which was yet to come. At that time our point of view was that if the German nation were not to repair its prestige in the world, that is to say, did not again become a powerful factor, Germany would shortly have 20,000,000 people less. This was a matter of simple deduction.

Year after year unemployment increased and caused the confusion of national conceptions and of economic plans. The constant change of Governments prevented any wider vision. Projects could not even be made for two or three months ahead, because one could be sure that in three months the government would have changed. One would say-“Why should I clear up the mistakes made by others?” Another would say, “Why should I make improvements only for someone else to benefit?” There was no longer any reason to attempt any efficacious and real solution. But this state of affairs naturally increased national weakness, and the economic decline, and caused more unemployment. The burden became greater, the capacity to carry it less, and the end had to be a collapse, the result of which could not be foreseen.

It was well to be believed that the kind and humane prophecy of the great democrat Clemenceau that we had 20,000,000 people too many would become the truth. Thus the programme of unification of the German forces, of blind obedience to a goal was created to assure our right to live forever and ever.

By so doing we chose a path between two extremes. The one of these extremes was holding our people: It was the liberal-individualist extreme which made the individual not only the centre of interest but also the centre of all action. On the other hand, our people were tempted by the theory of universal humanity which alone was to guide the individual. Our ideals were between the two: we saw the people as a community of body and soul, formed and willed by Providence. We are put into this community and within it alone can we form our existence. We have consciously subordinated all considerations to this goal, have shaped all interests according to it, and all our actions. Thus the National-Socialist world of thought arose which has overcome individualism, but not by cutting down individual capacities or individual initiative, only by asserting that the common interest is superior to individual liberty and the initiative of the individual. This common interest regulates and orders, if necessary, curtails, but also commands.

Thus we started a struggle against everyone in those days, against the individualist as well as against the humanitarians. And in this struggle we slowly conquered the German nation during 14 years. The 1000 members which this Movement counted at the end of its first year of life, a number which was to increase steadily-these followers were but Germans who had come from other movements. Hundreds of thousands of my SA and SS had been fighters in other organizations, whom we had all convinced and conquered by winning their inner allegiance. That was perhaps the greatest battle of souls in our history. I could not force anybody to go with me, to enter my organization-they all had to be inwardly convinced and this conviction caused them to make great sacrifices. This struggle was to be really fought out in the spirit by word, form and writing. Only when an ill-willed opponent said: “I cannot defeat you in the spirit, but I am stronger than you,” only then did I, the former soldier, rightly answer violence with violence. Before I (apparently one or two words left out by Hitler) . . . the fighting movement which fought by the spirit as long as the opponent kept to spiritual weapons…. But I did not hesitate to appeal to violence when the other thought he would help the spirit by violence.

Our opponents at that time were those who have always fought us inside as well as outside the country: a conglomeration of people who feel, think and act according to international ideas. We know the coalitions of that time. In this battle of the spirit we have defeated them everywhere. For when at last I was called to power, I came in the legal way, under the Presidency of Reichs General Field Marshal von Hindenburg because I was backed by the strongest movement.

This means that the so-called National Socialist Revolution has defeated democracy, within democracy, by democracy. We acquired power legally and today, too, I am facing you here on a mandate given to me by the German nation, a mandate more comprehensive than that which any one of the so-called democratic statesmen possess today.

When we came to power in 1933 our road was clearly mapped out. It had been defined in a struggle of 15 years, which in a thousand demonstrations had put us under an obligation to the German people. And I would be dishonourable and deserve to be stoned if I had deviated but one step from this programme, or if I were to do so now. The social part of this programme meant unifying the German people, overcoming all class and race prejudices, educating the German for the community, and if necessary, breaking any opposition to this unity. Economically, it meant building a National German economy which appreciated the importance of private initiative, but subordinated the entire economic life to the common interest. Believe me, here, too, no other aim is thinkable. In times in which the sons are arrayed for defence in battle, and where no difference can be made between those who represent much, and those who represent little, economic advantages or privileged positions to the disadvantage of the total community cannot be maintained. As everywhere, I proceeded here by teaching, educating and slow adaptation, for it was my pride to carry out this revolution without one single window-pane being broken in Germany. A revolution which led to the greatest changes ever achieved on earth, but which destroyed nothing, only slowly reorganized everything, until at last the entire great community had found its new road,-that was my goal.

It was the same in foreign politics. My programme was to do away with Versailles. People all over the world should not pretend to be simpletons and act as if I had only discovered this programme in 1933, or 1935 or 1937. These gentlemen should only have read what I wrote about myself a thousand times instead of listening to stupid emigre trash. No human being can have stated and written down as often as I what he wanted, and I wrote it again and again: “Away with Versailles!”

And this was not a whim of ours, but the reason was that Versailles was the greatest injustice and the most abject ill-treatment of a great people ever known in history. Without the abolition of this instrument of force-meant to destroy the German people-it would have been impossible to keep this people alive. I came forward as a soldier with this programme, and spoke about it for the first time in 1919. And I have kept to this programme as to a solemn obligation during all the years of the struggle for power, and when I came to power I did not say like democratic politicians (follows a quotation from Schiller’s Fiesco meaning roughly: “The monster has carried out his work, now he can be dismissed.”) But at that moment I said to myself: “Thank God, for having brought me to a point where I can put my programme into action.”

But again I did not want to do this with violence. I talked as much as any human being can. My speeches in the Reichstag, which cannot be falsified by democratic statesmen, are evidence for history. What offers did I make them! How I begged them to be reasonable! I begged them to see reason and not to interfere with the existence of a great nation. I proved to them that they themselves would derive no benefit from it. I told them it was senseless, and that they would only do themselves harm. What have I not done in all these years to pave the way to an understanding? It would never have been possible to begin this armament race unless others had wanted it. I made proposals to them. However, every proposal, coming as it did from me, was sufficient to cause excitement among a certain Jewish-international-capitalist clique, just as it used to happen formerly in Germany when every reasonable proposal was rejected only because it was made by National Socialists.

My Reichstag speech on 17th May 1933, or for that matter, my later speeches, my innumerable announcements at public meetings, all the memoranda which I wrote in these days-they were all governed by the one idea: whatever happened it must be possible to find a method for a peaceful revision of this Versailles Treaty. That this Treaty was an infamous document, all its authors finally admitted. In fact, the possibility of a revision was to be left open. Only they made the League of Nations the agent for this purpose, and this institution was quite unsuited for its task. The League of Nations was established on the one hand to prevent a revision of the Treaty, and, on the other hand, was to have jurisdiction for such a revision.

At first we were not members of the League, and later German participation amounted in the last analysis to nothing but the payments of yearly installments. That was the only positive thing as far as Germany could see. Of course, Germany was then a Democracy and the Democrats of Berlin begged, on their knees. They went to Geneva before the International Tribunal. They begged: “Give us a revision.” Everything was in vain.

I, as a National Socialist, recognized after a few months that this Tribunal would not help us. Accordingly, I did what I could, but I say our adversaries always confused us with the people with whom they had dealt since November 1918. The German nation had nothing in common with those men. That was not Germany. They were miserable individuals kept by England and France, who had doped them. That was not the German nation, and to connect the nation with such people we regard as a defamation.

If the others believed they could apply the same methods to us they applied to the November men, they were greatly mistaken. In that event both sides were at cross purposes. They could not expect us to go to Geneva and continue begging, to receive kicks, and to beg again. If they expected that, they mistook the former German soldier for the traitor of 1918. Of course, those November men could not do anything but give in, for they were in fetters; they were caught in the fetters of that other world. We, however, have no reason to give in to that other world, or do the English perhaps believe that we have an inferiority complex when we compare ourselves with them. (Several words drowned in applause.)

Then they forced us down by a lie; a trick, but the British soldiers did not defeat us. Neither did it seem during the Western campaign that any change has taken place.

I, myself, and in fact, all of us, made up our minds that voluntary negotiation at Geneva would not yield any result. The only thing to do, therefore, was to leave Geneva.

Never in my life have I pushed myself. Those who do not want to talk to me need not do so. Now here are 85,000,000 Germans looking into the future with pride and confidence. They are heirs of a great history. We had a world empire when England was nothing but a small island, and for a longer time than for 300 years. Indeed, they forced us to take the road which we took. The League of Nations only ridiculed and derided us. We left it. At the Disarmament Conference, the same happened, and we left it. We started on the road which we were forced to choose, but all the time we strove for understanding and conciliation. In this connection I may point out that our striving in one case, in that of France, almost succeeded. When the Saar Plebescite took place and the Saar territory was returned to the Reich, I made up my mind, with difficulty, and declared on behalf of the German nation that I would waive any further revision in the West. The French accepted this as a matter of course, but I told the French Ambassador of the day: Look here, this is by no means a matter of course as you seem to imagine. What we are doing is making a sacrifice in the interest of peace. We make this sacrifice, but we, at least, want to have peace in exchange for it.

But the ruthlessness of the capitalist plutocrats in these countries always broke through in a short time, fostered by emigrants who presented a picture of the German situation which was naturally quite mad, but was believed because it seemed agreeable and then, of course, it was propagated by Jewish hatred. This collection of capitalist interests on the one hand, Jewish instincts of hatred and the emigrants’ lust for revenge, succeeded in increasingly beclouding the world, enveloping it in phrases, and in inciting it against the present German Reich, just as against the Reich which preceded us. At that time they opposed the Germany of the Kaiser, this time they opposed National-Socialist Germany. In fact, they opposed any Germany which might be in existence. But my decision was firm: in no circumstances to abandon one’s rights, for in doing so it would not be theories which were given up, but the lives of millions of the future. I do not sacrifice some point or other in a party programme, for in such a case one sacrifices the future, a race, and nobody is entitled to do that unless he stands before the people and says: “I can no longer represent your interests; someone else must take over.”

But we did not come to power having on our programme: “We are ready to abandon the interests of the German nation.” I came with the oath: “I abandon no interests.” For, my country, it was not as if the abandoning of interests would bring quiet for all time. We saw that from the old German Reich, which began with abandoning the Western Provinces of the Reich, and went on and on, and every decade demanded further sacrifices, until finally Germany was broken in pieces-then the century-long powerlessness came over the people. As against that, I am determined not to give way one step. Therefore when I saw that the old warmongers of the Great War were resuming their criminal activities in England, when Messrs. Churchill, Eden, Duff Cooper and Hore-Belisha and so on, and Vansittart, our great old friend, and then Chamberlain and Halifax-when these old men again began their warmongering then it was clear to me that these people were not concerned with reaching a just understanding with Germany, but that they believed they could again break Germany down, cheaply, and the quicker the easier.

You know what happened then, my countrymen. In those years, beginning in 1934, I armed. When in the Reichstag in September 1939, I outlined the extent of German armament, the rest of the world did not believe; for those who live by bluff think that others are only bluffing. But we have already experienced that internally. Here, too, my opponents never believed me. When it is said that the prophet is not without honour, save in his own country, I should like to extend it, and say that his prophecies are not esteemed. So it always was with me. And now it goes beyond our own country: we are having exactly the same experience as my National Socialist co-fighters had at home. Every one of our prophecies was laughed at, every statement was represented as ridiculous, every picture of the future described as a fantastic chimera. We were greeted only with mockery and laughter. Now I can only say to this world: “But I have armed and very much so.” The German people know it today. But it does not know nearly all.

But it is not at all necessary that everything should be told. What is decisive is that everything has been done.

We have demanded nothing from the others. When France entered this war, she had absolutely no reason. It was merely the desire to fight against Germany again. They said, “We want the Rhineland; naturally we now want to split up Germany; we want to tear away the Ostmark, we want to disintegrate Germany.” They actually wallowed in fantasies of the destruction of our Reich, which were completely unreal in the 20th Century, the century of the conception of nationality. It was simply childish.

And England? I held out my hand, again and again. It was actually my programme to reach an understanding with the English people. We had really no point of difference, absolutely none. There was a solitary point, the return of the German colonies, and on that I said, “We will negotiate that some time,-I do not fix any time.” For England those colonies are useless. They cover 40,000,000 square metres. What do they do with them? Absolutely nothing. That is only the avarice of old usurers, who possess something and will not give it up; perverted beings who see their neighbour has nothing to eat, while they themselves cannot use what they possess. The mere thought of giving away something makes them ill. Moreover, I have demanded nothing which belonged to the English, I have demanded only what they robbed and stole in the years 1918 and 19l9. In fact, robbed and stole against the solemn assurance of the American President. We have not asked them for anything, not demanded anything, again and again I offered my hand for negotiations.

Evermore clearly it became apparent that it is German unification itself, this very State, which they hate-irrespective of its aspect, no matter whether Imperial or National Socialist, whether Democratic or Authoritarian. Most of all they hate the social progress of the Reich, and here, clearly, external hatred has combined with the meanest internal egotism. For they say: “Never shall we be reconciled with this world-it is the world of awakening social conscience . . . (end of sentence drowned in applause). As far as this goes, I can only tell the gentlemen on both shores of the Atlantic: “In the present war that side will achieve victory in the end where the social conscience . . . (several inaudible words). They can wage wars for their capitalist interests, but in the end these wars will open the way for social risings within the nations; for in the long run it is impossible that hundreds of millions of human beings should be aligned according to the interests of a few individuals. In the long run the greater interest of mankind is bound to prevail over the interests of these little plutocratic profiteers.

Proof that in other countries, too, a crisis is already beginning to develop in this sphere, is that English Labour Leaders now suddenly come out with new social conceptions, so worn out and antiquated that I can only say: “Put them back into the chest. We have already divested ourselves of this sort of material, it is out of date. If you want to know how these things are being done, then you must not take up programmes which in our country would have been modern in the 80’s or 90’s. You must come to us and study here, then you will learn something, gentlemen.” But the mere fact that anything like that is suddenly put forward as an aim-for what then are these gentlemen actually waging war? First, they said it was to fight against National Socialism that the nations of the world had to be bled white, and now, suddenly they detect in their bottom drawers, points that were in the programmes of our predecessors. Why all this? They could have had all this cheaper. But this fact furnishes proof that there, too, the nations are showing signs of action, or if for instance a storm breaks out in England, because somebody-a colonel or a general, I believe-declares that in the England of such an advanced social standard, they cannot use officers taken from the lower section of the population, but only officers from the upper classes-the others are unfit-then I can only say, do you get exasperated because he has said this? You should not get exasperated because this is not the case, but not for the reason that somebody has at long last expressed it. It is interesting that no one gets exasperated over the fact that the reality is like this, that is to say, that in point of fact only representatives of the upper classes can attain a position there. This is what should exasperate you, and not the fact that by mere chance someone was, while this war is on, unwise enough to make that statement. In our country if you are interested to hear it, this was remedied long ago. Only a short time ago you pointed out to us that our officers and generals were incapable, because they are all too young and infested with National Socialist ideas. Meanwhile developments have shown which side has the better generals. If the war continues this will prove a great misfortune for England, and you will have ample opportunity to gain further experience. The English will make up their minds to send a commission which is to take over our soldiers. It is this social Germany which is hated most by this clique, a conglomeration of Jews, their financiers and profiteers. Our foreign policy, our policy in the interior and our economic policy have been clearly defined. We have set ourselves only one aim: the people. All paths upon which we set our feet will lead to this purpose. Furthermore, we recognize that unless one wants to destroy everything, one must start and proceed on this path with many compromises and many leniencies. But the movement is not the temporary appearance of one man. Many years ago, in Mein Kampf I said that National Socialism will put its stamp on the next thousand years of Germany history. You cannot conceive it without National Socialism. It will only then disappear when its programme has become a matter of course. But not before that time.

But even in war, the possibility of an understanding still existed. At once, after the war with Poland, I held out my hand. I did not ask anything from either France or England. It was in vain. After the collapse in the west, I again held out my hand to England. I was received with derision. They practically spat at me. They were indignant. All right. Everything is in vain. The financial interests of this Democracy are victorious over the true National interests. Once more, the nations’ blood must be at the service of the money of this small group of interested people. Thus the war started and thus it will go on. But, looking back, I may point out one thing: the year behind us and the last part of the previous year have practically decided this war. The opponent which they first mobilized against us in the East was overthrown in a few weeks. The attempt to cut us off from Norway and the iron ore bases, and to gain a base for attack against Northeast Germany was dealt with in the same way, within a few weeks. The attempt to reach the border of the Ruhr and the Ruhr zones via Holland and Belgium collapsed after a few days. France went the same way. England was chased from the Continent.

I sometimes read now of a British intention to begin a great offensive somewhere. I have only one wish: that they should inform me of it in advance; then I would have this European territory cleared beforehand. I should like to save them the difficulties of landing and we should then introduce ourselves and discuss matters once more. And in the language which is the only one they understand they now have hopes. For they must have hopes. What are they expecting now?

We are now standing on this Continent and from where we stand nobody will be able to remove us again. We have created certain bases, and when the time comes we shall deal the decisive blows, and that we have made good use of our time will be historically impressed on the gentlemen during this year.

What are they waiting for? For the help of others? I can only say one thing: we have from the beginning allowed for any eventuality. That the German nation has no quarrel with the Americans is evident to everybody who does not consciously wish to falsify truth. At no time has Germany had interests on the American Continent except perhaps that she helped that Continent in its struggle for liberty. If States on this continent now attempt to interfere in the European conflict, then the aim will only be changed more quickly. Europe will then defend herself. And do not let people deceive themselves. Those who believe they can help England must take note of one thing: every ship, whether with or without convoy which appears before our torpedo tubes is going to be torpedoed.

We are involved in a war which we did not want. Otherwise one could not stretch out one’s hand to the other side. However, if those financial hyenas want war, if they want to exterminate Germany, they will get the surprise of their lives. This time they are not up against a weakened Germany, as they were during the World War. This time, they have joined battle with a Germany which is mobilized to the limit of her power, able and resolved to fight. However, should the other side entertain hopes to the contrary, then I can only say, “I cannot understand you.”

They speak of Italy’s coming defection. Let those gentlemen not invent revolution in Milan, let them rather see that unrest does not break out in their own countries.

Those countries view the relationship between Germany and Italy as they do their own. If in democracies one gives aid to the other, he asks a quid pro quo-bases or something of the sort. These he then owns. When, therefore, the Italians sent aircraft formations to the Atlantic coast the English newspapers wrote that the Italians were putting their oar in the conduct of the war, and that they would in future demand an Atlantic base by way of compensation. On the other hand, now that German aircraft formations are in Sicily, they say that presumably Germany will confiscate that island. These gentlemen can be quite certain that no German or Italian is moved by such fine stories. Such tales show only the pathetic lack of spirit of those people who in England retail such anecdotes.

We can deduce from those writings that the people over there have not yet understood the meaning of the present war, but we have understood it very well. Wherever we can meet England we will meet her. However, if they regard the present setbacks of our partner as evidence of their victory, then I really cannot understand Englishmen. Whenever they have setbacks of their own they regard them as big victories. The gentlemen over there may be convinced our calculation is quite accurate, and the reckoning will be made after the war, foot by foot, square kilometre by square kilometre. Another thing these people must understand, the Duce and myself are not Jews nor out for bargains. If we shake hands, that is the handshake of men of honour. I hope that in the course of the year the gentlemen will acquire a more accurate understanding of this.

Perhaps they pin their hopes on the Balkans. If I were they, I would not give much for that. One thing is certain. Whenever England puts in an appearance we shall attack her, and we are sufficiently strong to do so.

Perhaps they pin their hopes on other countries which they can involve in this war. I don’t know. But my Party comrades, men and women, you have known me for so many years as a careful man with foresight; I can assure you that every possible contingency has been weighed and calculated. We shall win final victory.

Perhaps, though probably not to the same extent, they expect famine. We have organized our lives. We know at the beginning that there would not be too much of anything in war time. However, the German nation will never starve, never, rather will the English nation, those gentlemen can be sure of that.

Raw material shortage! That too, we have foreseen, and have for that reason made our Four Year’s Plan. Maybe this has already dawned on some Englishmen.

There might be one other point. Perhaps they really believe that once again they will be able to dope the German nation with their lies, their propaganda and their empty words. To this I can only say that they should not have slept for so long. It would be better for them to look into the development of the German nation somewhat more carefully. In the same way, they were idiotic enough to try to estrange the Italian nation and the Duce. One British lord rises and appeals to the Italian nation no longer to follow the Duce, but his lordship. That is too idiotic. Such an ass (next words drowned). Then another lord rises and admonishes the German nation to follow his lordship, and to turn away from me. I can only tell these people: “Others in Germany have tried that game.” Those people have no conception of the German nation, of the National-Socialist State, of our community, the army of our marching masses, of our people. Those people have no conception of our propaganda. Perhaps, because they themselves were not quite convinced of the effectiveness of their ideas, which they borrowed from some people in Germany. However, these people are those who so miserably failed here, the emigrants who had to leave. Such are their advisors, and we can see it by the pamphlets. We know for certain that this one was written by this fellow, that one by that fellow. Just as idiotic as (following drowned) in the time of the “system.” Only at that time this stuff was labelled Vossische Zeitung and is now labelled Times or something, and those people imagine that these old, old stories, which were a failure in the Vossische Zeitung will now be successful because they are published by The Times or the Daily Telegraph.

A real softening of the brain has broken out in these Democracies. They can rest assured, the German people will do everything necessary for its interest. It will follow its leadership. It knows that its leadership has no other goal. It knows that today the man at the head of the Reich is not one with a packet of shares in his pocket and with ulterior motives. This German people, I know it and I am proud of it, is pledged to me and will go with me through thick and thin. An ancient spirit has come to life again in this people-a spirit which was with us once before, a fanatic readiness to accept any burden. We will repay every blow with compound interest. The blow will only harden us, and whatever they mobilize against us, and if the world were full of devils, we will succeed all the same (quote from Luther’s hymn, “A mighty fortress is our God”). But when they end up by saying: “But think of all the mistakes they made!” God, who doesn’t make mistakes! This morning I read that an Englishman, I don’t know how, has calculated that I made seven mistakes last year. The man is mistaken. I have checked it. I did not make seven mistakes but 724. But I continued to calculate and found that my opponents had made 4,385,000. That is right. I have checked it carefully. We will manage to get on in spite of our mistakes. We will make as many mistakes this year as last year, and if I make as many mistakes as in 1940, then I must thank God on my knees at the end of the year for letting me make only seven mistakes. And if the enemies do as many clever things as last year, I shall be satisfied.

We go into the new year with a fighting force armed as never before in our German history. The number of our divisions on land has been enormously increased. Pay has been increased, the gigantic unique experience of war among the leaders and the file has been put to use. The equipment has been improved-our enemies will see how it has been improved (applause and commotion). In the spring our U-boat war will begin at sea, and they will notice that we have not been sleeping (shouts and cheers). And the Air Force will play its part and the entire armed forces will force the decision by hook or by crook. Our production has increased enormously in all spheres. What others are planning we have achieved. The German people follows its leadership with determination, confident in its armed forces and ready to bear what fate demands. The year 1941 will be, I am convinced, the historical year of a great European New Order. The programme could not be anything else than the opening up of the world for all, the breaking down of individual privileges, the breaking of the tyranny of certain peoples, and better still, of their financial autocrats.

Finally this year will help to assure the basis for understanding between the peoples, and thereby, for their reconciliation. I do not want to miss pointing out what I pointed out on 3rd of September [1940] in the German Reichstag, that if Jewry were to plunge the world into war, the role of Jewry would be finished in Europe. They may laugh about it today, as they laughed before about my prophecies. The coming months and years will prove that I prophesied rightly in this case too. But we can see already how our racial peoples which are today still hostile to us will one day recognise the greater inner enemy, and that they too will then enter with us into a great common front. The front of Aryan mankind against Jewish-International exploitation and destruction of nations.

The year which lies behind us has been a year of great successes, but also, it is true, one of many sacrifices. Even if the total number of dead and wounded is small in comparison with former wars the sacrifices for each individual family concerned weigh heavy. Our whole sympathy, our love and care belongs to those who had to make these sacrifices. They have suffered what generations before us also had to suffer. Each individual German had to make other sacrifices. The nation worked in all spheres. German women worked to replace men. It is a wonderful idea of community which dominates our people. That this ideal, that our whole strength should be preserved in the coming year-this should be our wish today. That we will work for this community-let that be our vow. That we conquer in devotion to this community-that is our faith, one in which we are confident, and that the Lord should not abandon us in this struggle of the coming year-let that be our prayer. Deutschland! Sieg Heil!

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Hitler’s Speech at Saarbruecken SPEECH OF OCTOBER 9, 1938

Monday, August 13th, 2012

German Folk!

If in the midst of these great days and their occurrences I have come into your district, then it was done in the conviction that nobody can evince greater appreciation of these last weeks and days than yourself.

You may, men and women of Saarland, you have experienced for yourselves what it means to be separated from the Reich and you yourselves have gone through the joy of being reunited. You, too, suffered all this woe for two decades, and you, too, were supremely happy when the hour of reunion struck and you could return to the common Reich. Exactly that same thing was experienced and participated in by millions of Germans. The same joy seized them that once stirred you. At the beginning of this year, the twentieth after our collapse, I made a decision to lead back into the Reich 10,000,000 Germans who still stood outside.

It was perfectly clear to me that this return could be compelled only by our own strength. The rest of the world, for the largest part, had no understanding. It neither saw nor wanted to see that here, 10,000,000 humans, in violation of the so-called right of self-determination of peoples, had been separated from the German people and the Reich and had been maltreated. But it has not understood that these human beings had but one great yearning, namely, to return to the Reich. These international world citizens have compassion indeed, for every scoundrel who is called to account in Germany, but they are deaf to the sufferings of millions. That world is still filled with the spirit of Versailles. It did not free itself from it. No, Germany has liberated herself from it.

Even today it still is a mixture of terrible inconsiderateness and appalling ignorance for these countries to overlook justice and give lasting effect to injustice. And so these world democracies remained deaf for twenty years to all the sufferings and demands of 10,000,000 Germans. Accordingly, a hard decision had to be made. Among us, too, there were weak characters who did not understand this. It is self-evident, however, that statesmen conscious of their responsibility made it a point of honor to take responsibility.

The following were the preconditions for bringing about and carrying through solutions:

First, internal unity of the nation. I am convinced I am Leader of a manly people. I know what probably many in the rest of the world and even isolated ones in Germany do not seem as yet to know – namely, that the people of the year 1938 are not the people of 1918. Only those who were blind concerning National Socialism could overlook the tremendous work of education that the good philosophy of life has accomplished. There has been created today a community of spirit throughout our people of power and strength such as Germany never before has known. This was the first precondition for the undertaking, and for the success of this task.

Second was national rearmament, which I sponsored fanatically for six years. I am of the opinion that it is cheaper to prepare one’s self before events than to lie prostrate unprepared for events and then pay the foreign country.

The third thing was rendering secure the Reich, and here you yourselves are witnesses to the tremendous work that is being accomplished in your very neighborhood. I need tell you no details about it. I will give expression, however, to but one conviction: NO POWER IN THE WORLD WILL BE ABLE TO PUSH THROUGH THIS WALL.

Fourth, we have gained foreign friends. That axis that people in other countries so often think they can ridicule has, during the last two and a half years, not only proved durable but has proved that even in the worst hours it con- tinues to function. Nevertheless, we are especially happy that this task of the year 1938 of again joining 10,000,000 Germans and about 110,000 square kilometers [42,470 square miles] to the Reich could be accomplished in peace.

We are all so happy no blood was shed over this despite the hopes of so many international agitators and profiteers. If I mention the help of the rest of the world in bringing about this peaceful solution, I must again and again place at the head of it our only real friend whom we possess today – Benito Mussolini.

I know, and I know that you know what we owe this man. I should like also to mention two other statesmen who tried hard to find a way to peace and who, together with the great Italian and us have concluded an agreement that secured justice for 10,000,000 Germans and peace for the world. I am happy these millions of Germans are free, that they belong to us and that peace has been secured.

Nevertheless, the experiences, especially of the last eight months, must strengthen our resolve to be careful and never to leave anything undone that must be done for the protection of the Reich. Opposite us are statesmen who – that, we must believe of them – also want peace. HOWEVER, THEY GOVERN IN COUNTRIES WHOSE INTERNAL CONSTRUCTION MAKES IT POSSIBLE FOR THEM AT ANY TIME TO BE SUPPLANTED BY OTHERS WHO DO NOT AIM AT PEACE. THESE OTHERS ARE THERE. IN ENGLAND, IT MERELY IS NECESSARY THAT INSTEAD OF CHAMBERLAIN, A DUFF COOPER OR AN EDEN OR A CHURCHILL COME INTO POWER. WE KNOW THAT THE AIM OF THESE MEN WOULD BE TO START WAR. They do not attempt to hide it. That obligates us to be on the watch to think of the protection of the Reich.

We know further that now, as before, there is lurking threateningly that Jewish-international world enemy who has found a living expression in bolshevism. We also know the power of the international press that lives solely on lies and calumniation. In view of this peculiarity of the world about us and of these forces we must be careful about the future. We must at all times have a will for peace but be ready for defense.

I have, therefore, decided to continue construction of our fortifications in the west with increased energy as already indicated in my Nuremberg speech. Also, I shall include large districts that hitherto lay before our fortifications namely the Aachen region and Saarbruecken region, in this belt of fortifications. That will be done for the protection of the Reich.

As for the rest, I am happy now to be able within the next few days to rescind those measures that we have projected or been compelled to introduce during critical months and weeks. I am happy hundreds of thousands of men can go home and reservists can be discharged. I am happy to be able to thank them for doing their duty. I am particularly happy to be able to thank the German people for having conducted itself in so wonderfully manly a manner. Especially do I thank a hundred thousand German workers, engineers and others of whom 10,000 are standing in your midst – men who helped build fortifications. You have helped, my comrades, to secure peace for Germany, and so, as a strong State, we are ready at all times to embark upon a policy of understanding with the world about us. We can do that. We want nothing from others. We have no wishes or demands. We want peace.


Inquiries by British statesmen or Parliamentarians concerning the fate of the Reich’s subjects inside Germany are out of order. We do not bother about similar things in England. The rest of the world would sometimes have had reason enough to bother about international happenings – happenings in Palestine. We leave this to those who feel themselves pre-ordained by God to solve these problems. And we observe with amazement how they do solve them. We must, however, give these gentlemen advice to attend even more to the solution of their own problems and to leave us in peace.

It also is part of the task of securing world peace that responsible statesmen and politicians look after their own affairs and refrain from constantly meddling talk with the problems of other countries and peoples. By such mutual considerateness, preconditions are really created for durable peace, of which no one is more earnestly desirous than the German people.

We have great tasks facing us, great cultural tasks. Economic problems must be solved. No people can make better use of peace than we. However, no people knows better than we what it means to be weak and be at the mercy of others for better or for worse.

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Minutes of the Conference

Monday, August 6th, 2012

At the beginning of the discussion Chief of the Security Police and of the SD, SS-Obergruppenführer Heydrich, reported that the Reich Marshal had appointed him delegate for the preparations for the final solution of the Jewish question in Europe and pointed out that this discussion had been called for the purpose of clarifying fundamental questions. The wish of the Reich Marshal to have a draft sent to him concerning organizational, factual and material interests in relation to the final solution of the Jewish question in Europe makes necessary an initial common action of all central offices immediately concerned with these questions in order to bring their general activities into line.

The Reichsführer-SS and the Chief of the German Police (Chief of the Security Police and the SD) was entrusted with the official central handling of the final solution of the Jewish question without regard to geographic borders.

The Chief of the Security Police and the SD then gave a short report of the struggle which has been carried on thus far against this enemy, the essential points being the following:

a) the expulsion of the Jews from every sphere of life of the German people,
b) the expulsion of the Jews from the living space of the German people.

In carrying out these efforts, an increased and planned acceleration of the emigration of the Jews from Reich territory was started, as the only possible present solution.

By order of the Reich Marshal, a Reich Central Office for Jewish Emigration was set up in January 1939 and the Chief of the Security Police and SD was entrusted with the management. Its most important tasks were

a) to make all necessary arrangements for the preparation for an increased emigration of the Jews,
b) to direct the flow of emigration,
c) to speed the procedure of emigration in each individual case.

The aim of all this was to cleanse German living space of Jews in a legal manner.

All the offices realized the drawbacks of such enforced accelerated emigration. For the time being they had, however, tolerated it on account of the lack of other possible solutions of the problem.

The work concerned with emigration was, later on, not only a German problem, but also a problem with which the authorities of the countries to which the flow of emigrants was being directed would have to deal. Financial difficulties, such as the demand by various foreign governments for increasing sums of money to be presented at the time of the landing, the lack of shipping space, increasing restriction of entry permits, or the cancelling of such, increased extraordinarily the difficulties of emigration. In spite of these difficulties, 537,000 Jews were sent out of the country between the takeover of power and the deadline of 31 October 1941. Of these

  • approximately 360,000 were in Germany proper on 30 January 1933
  • approximately 147,000 were in Austria (Ostmark) on 15 March 1939
  • approximately 30,000 were in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia on 15 March 1939.

The Jews themselves, or their Jewish political organizations, financed the emigration. In order to avoid impoverished Jews’ remaining behind, the principle was followed that wealthy Jews have to finance the emigration of poor Jews; this was arranged by imposing a suitable tax, i.e., an emigration tax, which was used for financial arrangements in connection with the emigration of poor Jews and was imposed according to income.

Apart from the necessary Reichsmark exchange, foreign currency had to presented at the time of landing. In order to save foreign exchange held by Germany, the foreign Jewish financial organizations were – with the help of Jewish organizations in Germany – made responsible for arranging an adequate amount of foreign currency. Up to 30 October 1941, these foreign Jews donated a total of around 9,500,000 dollars.

In the meantime the Reichsführer-SS and Chief of the German Police had prohibited emigration of Jews due to the dangers of an emigration in wartime and due to the possibilities of the East.

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Nuremberg 1927: Torchlight Procession, Dedication of Banners, Mass March

Tuesday, May 15th, 2012

1. The Torchlight Procession

As darkness fell on Nuremberg’s rooftops and walls on Saturday evening, the Brown Shirts vanished from the city’s streets. Huge masses of German citizens and party members from Nuremberg and from all parts of the German-speaking world filled the streets in expectation of the appearance of every last German freedom fighter who had come to Nuremberg. Above all they gathered before the Hotel Deutscher Hof, where Adolf Hitler awaited his fighters.

In the distance, march music and unceasing shouts of Heil announced the approach of the procession. Soon its head appeared at the corner. Within a few minutes, the Frauentor moat resembled a sea of fire. In astonishing order, the Brown Shirts marched past their Führer and greeted him with their eyes shining, the hand with the burning torch raised as in an oath. The enthusiasm of both the onlookers and the marchers hardly knew any limits.

First came the Bavarians, with their glorious banner from 1923, then the Brandenburgers, the Hanoverians, the Thuringians, and the Rhinelanders, the Saxons, the Hamburgers, the Holsteiners, the Hessians, the fighters from the Ruhr, the Austrians and Pommeranians, the Mecklenburgers, and those from Baden, our comrades from the Saar and Silesia, Württemburg and Franconia. The new Germany marched. With mine lamps that otherwise lit their way in the pits, National Socialist miners greeted their Führer Adolf Hitler.

It was a moving picture as those from Vienna, Kärnten, Tyrolia, Salzburg, and Lower Austria saw Adolf Hitler for the first time. A so-called Greater German Christian Socialist government had refused to allow them to come to Germany. They came in spite of great sacrifices to gain new strength, to hear their Führer speak, to see him in person.

The endless column of 15,000 to 20,000 men marched past, with ever new banners, new S.A. bands. And that was not all. A large number arrived only in the late evening of Saturday or Sunday morning. About 1,000 Hitler Youths followed the S.A., and the S.S. ended the one-and-a-half hour march of the fighters for the coming Third Reich.

2. The Dedication of Banners on the Luitpoldhain

A clear fall morning broke on Sunday, 21 August. Processions of S.A. men streamed toward the Luitpoldhain from every part of the city, some marching, some in trucks. The broad terraced field, surrounded by greenery, was the ideal place to hold the huge crowds. Special trains alone brought more than 40,000 people to Nuremberg. At least as many arrived on regular trains, trucks and busses. A group of Berlin S.A. from the “banned NSDAP” [The Berlin police had banned the party] even came to Nuremberg on foot. Their sacrifical deed was announced by a red banner with white lettering, here and also during the torchlight procession and the mass march.

The march of tens of thousands onto the Luitpoldhain was guided by markers right and left of the terraced steps and by blazing fires on fir-decked pylons. It was an organized military accomplishment of the first order. It was under the direction of the calm, sure leadership of the Supreme S.A. leader, Captain von Pfeffer and his staff. Its confidence and discipline proved that the National Socialist S.A. is even today a strong group that is far superior, casting all other such groups in Germany, whether to the left or the right, into the shadows, both in its unified political will and in its military values. Many hundreds of Swastika banners waved above the heads of the Brown Shirts who filled the broad expanse of the field, a remarkably striking picture that increased in intensity as in response to fanfares and drumbeats the storm columns of the new Germany raised their right arms and thundered out their Heils to greet their Führer, who appeared with his staff shortly after 9 a.m. The swastika banners had been brought to the Green Terrace, where now a forest of flags filled three levels in a half circle that surrounded the mighty ranks. To the fore stood the musicians and trumpeters, whose shining instruments bore a white-green cloth on one side, a Swastika on a red background on the other. An enormous crowd surrounded the field, watching this imposing and unforgettable ceremony. It was the dedication of twelve new standards for theGaue Bayreuth, Frankfurt a. M., Chemnitz, Ruhr (Hattingen), Potsdam, Zwickau, Essen, Bochum, Nordmark, Vienna, Hanover, Rhine. The standard bearers stood in a row before Adolf Hitler, whose booming voice went across the total silence of the enormous gathering. After the trumpet sounded, he made the following moving remarks:

In November 1918 the old flags of a thousand victorious battles were taken down, and with them, too, sank the honor of the Reich.

In 1919 this Republic gained its own symbol. Hundreds of thousands and millions of Germans fought this symbol, which was forced upon us. But also in 1919 a movement was founded in holy protest against the destruction of the nation’s honor, against the squandering of our national inheritance, and this movement created its own symbol in 1920. The first German flag was given in 1920 to a small group of people, and today you can see them here. In 1923 the first banner with the eagle was consecrated, in the wish and hope that it would become the victory symbol of Germany’s liberation. In 1924 the movement was dead. In 1926 we received new banners; today we have come together once again, the brown army of the swastika, and again we consecrate twelve banners that obligate us to hold them with the honor they deserve, for they are the flags that will fly over Germany’s future.

We ask the Lord who gives us strength to carry this symbol so that each German may look with pride at these banners and that they may fly over all of Germany; not the Germany of Versailles, but the Germany of our German language and tongue. We ask the Almighty to make us strong in the coming years in faith, in the will for freedom, and in the confidence that one may ban an organization, but never a movement. It will rise again, just as we believe that our people and Fatherland will rise again, stronger than ever before. We hope to God that it happens under the sign of these flags and banners!

Unending shouts of “Heil” joined with the music and the sounds of the fanfares and the beating of the drums. The sun then broke through the clouds, and no one present could take the brightening of the sky as anything but a happy symbol of burning enthusiasm for the great goal of freeing Germany. Adolf Hitler now stepped up to each standard-bearer, looked him in the eye, shook his hand firmly, and then in a strong soldierly voice gave the motto for each standard.

First he said:

Today as well we want to mark the first two standards of 1923, which experienced the bloody days, so that we can always distinguish them from those that came later in the history of the movement.

With these words he fastened symbols to the standards from Munich and Landshut. They he stopped at the banner from Bayreuth and said:

Hold your banner with the same honor as the flag of 9 November 1923, which became the first blood witness.

Hanover: Accept this banner, which I expect you to carry as you have carried the banners in the past.

Rhine: Carry your banner until the day which the German Rhine is one more German.

Vienna: Carry this banner as a symbol of the unity of our movement until the shameful treaties of Versailles and St. Germain are destroyed.

Bochum: Carry this banner as you have carried out the battle against the French assault.

Zwickau: You are receiving the second Saxon banner. Carry it as the first from Plauen has been carried.

Essen: I give you this banner as a symbol of the old weapon city of the German Reich.

Potsdam: Carry this banner until the day that the banned movement in Berlin exists once more.

Ruhr: The best local group in the Ruhr has the honor of carrying the banner of the Ruhr. As of today, GauRuhr has received three banners. Carry the third in a manner worthy of the other two.

Accompanied by the sounds of the fighting song of the unforgettable Dietrich Eckart, the newly consecrated banners returned to their units, and with fanfares and thundering shouts of “Heil,” the march of the brown columns concluded.

3. The March of the 30,000

When the consecration of the banners finished, waves of people streamed back into the center of the city. Huge throngs of onlookers lined the path of the coming S. A. march: the Wilhelm-Späth Street, Schwieger Street, Wölkern and Pillenreutcher Streets, the Celtis Tunnel, the Frauentor moat, the Pfärrer Joseph Square, Leder Alley, Kaiser Street, up to the platform at the Main Market. Baskets full of flowers were ready. Swastika banners hung from the buildings, along with the white-blue and black-white-red flags.

There was lively and colorful activity before the platform. Soon it was completely filled to the last row with party leaders and their staff, and supporters and friends of the movement. The old and distinguished buildings on the large square were also packed, every floor and every window, with onlookers. The police, polite and correct, did an exemplary job of keeping traffic and trams under control.

The cloudy, gloomy morning of a late summer day had been replaced by brilliant sunshine. The air was clear and warm, the sun even grew hot. The medical team had its work to do.

Meanwhile the leading men of the movement had gathered at the foot of the platform. There were the Reichstag representatives Frick and Feder, provincial parliament deputies von Mücke, Dr. Buttmann, Wagner, the Sudeten German delegates Jung and Krebs, the head of the party publishing firm Amann, the editor of the Völkischer Beobachter, and many city leaders.

The excitement rose as two bands in S.A. uniforms along with the dashing Postdam drum corps appeared to lively applause. Shortly after 11 a.m., the imposing march of the entire S.A. began at the Main Market.Loud music, thundering shouts of “Heil,” masses of flowers greeted the brown columns as they marched past in companies, battalions and regiments. Local group followed local group, Gaufollowed Gau. All raised their right hand in greeting, marching literally on a carpet of flowers. Each S.A. man, each banner carrier, was covered with flowers. The colorful splendor of late summer did not end; from windows and balconies whole buckets of asters turned the Führer’s car into a literal bed of flowers.

Unit after unit marched past. The storm battalions of an awakening, coming Germany, from Upper Silesia and the Nordmark, from the Pfalz, from occupied regions and old Bavaria, from Berlin and the mines of the Ruhr/ Austrians representing the Ostmark. and the proud sons of Franconia. Altogether, on foot, bikes, and trucks there were 26,000-30,000 men. Pride and enthusiasm beamed from each individual. Hardly a breath of wind moved the old banners and flags that had witnessed much blood, or the newly consecrated ones of that day.

The representatives of border areas were greeted with particular enthusiasm. The signs and slogans they had brought with always earned loud applause. There were frenetic outbursts and declarations of brotherhood between the huge crowds and the columns that marched past for two hours, culminating as the SS in their black caps marched past the platform. The German Anthem [Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles] rose powerfully to the heavens. Those who had seen the march in Weimar at the 1926 party rally knew that National Socialism’s march to victory could not be halted, but the march in Nuremberg surprised even the greatest optimists. The former spirit had returned in even stronger, more confident form, celebrating its resurrection. This 21st of August reestablished a connection with the famed “German Rally” of 1923 [A major right-wing gathering], without forgetting what had happened in between.

The last groups of S.A. disappeared as the mighty procession wound its way through Rathaus Square, the Lauser Alley and the Lauser Gate to the Marien Tunnel and then back to Wodan’s Square. Thousands of party members thronged forward toward the Führer stretching out their hands in an oath to the future. The jubilation and enthusiasm were indescribable.

The huge square emptied slowly, and the Führer’s car had to move slowly through the thick crowds. In the distance one could hear the marching of the columns, and the thundering, untiring, shining “Heils” of the S.A. regiments, joined by the voices of the many thousands who lined the streets.

4. The Conclusion of the Party Rally

As the delegates’ conference closed around 8 p.m., the hustle and bustle in the squares and on the streets signaled that the party rally was nearing its end. The Postdam drummer corps had entertained thousands at the Main Market all afternoon with its dashing music, putting them in a cheerful, excited, elevated mood. The Führer of the movement spoke for the last time at the mass meetings that evening with powerful, breath-taking words about our great cause to the enthusiastic members of the movement, both old and new. While the columns marched to the railroad station to return home on special trains, hundreds of other National Socialists gathered at the Castle, or the old Noris, looking over the rooftops of the city to the broad land of Franconia and into the growing evening, into the soul of the Reich, to that which they longed for, a free National Socialist Germany.

5. Participation in the Party Rally

Some had seen mass demonstrations, or had experienced the German Rally [of 1923], that exceeded in number the march of the National Socialist S.A. past their Führer. But that was not the important thing. More important is that a young movement daily said to be dead displayed an united, uniformed, and strictly disciplined organization of impressive strength. No other political movement in Germany today is anywhere near as able to bring forth such a large military group, a group showing such perfect political and military unity as the National Socialist S.A. There is no comparison to the somewhat similar Stahlhelm [a right-wing paramilitary organization mostly of combat veterans]. The Stahlhelm does not have a politically unified spirit. Even the Reichsbanner [affiliated with the Socialist Party] claims to be above party, and recruits its members from three or four parties.

Nuremberg proved that only the National Socialist movement has its own protective organization that is dedicated to nothing but the National Socialist idea and its supreme Führer. The great success of the Nuremberg rally is its proof that this organization even today can bring out 30,000 men any day.

By the way, the march of the S.A. at the party rally did not begin to include all National Socialists who attended the rally. To get a reasonably objective idea of the attendance at Nuremberg, coming form north and south, we can best use the official figures from the Nuremberg office of the railroad.

The Nuremberg railway office states:

“47 special trains arrived in or departed from Nuremberg on Saturday the 20th of August and Sunday the 21st. Regular trains also had much greater traffic. A total of 223,600 people arrived or departed.”

The usual Saturday and Sunday traffic at the main Nuremberg railway station seldom exceeds 60,000 people, so 160,000 is a reasonable estimate of the number of National Socialists. But this does not include the thousands who arrived in Nuremberg on Thursday and Friday and who only left on Monday or Tuesday. And there were many thousands who came on foot, on bicycle, and in countless trucks. If we add these people, we have a total of around 200,000 people who arrived or departed. The number of party rally participants can therefore be estimated at around 100,000.

Those who were in Nuremberg on these two days, by the way, will likely find this number too low rather than too high.

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The System in Conflict with its Own Constitution

Monday, May 14th, 2012

I believe that we National Socialists have a better understanding of the spirit of the present constitution than the exponents of the present System. For a constitution is not merely letters on a page; there is also a constitution of the spirit. Do you believe, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that it corresponds to the principles of democracy and thereby the deepest meaning of the Weimar Constitution when a government remains a government although it knows that the source of its power, the people, has long since ceased to support it? Do you believe, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that the writers of the Weimar Constitution confused the democratic opinions and beliefs of the nation as the ultimate basis of authority with the fears of parliamentary parties who together form a cabinet?

Democracy is unsuitable for Germany because it denies its own essence. England provides us with an excellent example. When the former MacDonald government concluded that there had been a major shift in the opinions of the British people, it dissolved parliament and appealed to the British people. That gave clear expression to the whole world of the drive for national preservation. That was not only fair, it was logical within the framework of democracy.

But what happened with us? For months, each new election has demonstrated the huge shift within our people. A look at the growth of our party, Mr. Reich Chancellor, which is available to you at any time, proves this tendency. But what has happened with us? The pettiest war against the National Socialist movement began, hoping that through laws and chicaneries in the spirit of Metternich, half outrageous and half ludicrous, the System could be defended against democracy. Yes, against democracy andagainst the constitution, Mr. Reich Chancellor! How else, for example, could one understand a situation in which a state court rules the election law of a provincial parliament as unconstitutional, yet the provincial parliament itself does not dare to subject itself to the judgment of the people because of nervous parties intent on self preservation. Those parties include the Bavarian People’s Party and the Social Democrats — both of which support you. You will not find a single expert in constitutional law with any real democratic convictions who will not find this action by the Bavarian Parliament to be unconstitutional. From my point of view, there is more than enough reason to be concerned in Germany today about unconstitutional acts. If you turn your valued attention to this closest danger rather than being diverted by political astigmatism, you should be worried about your illegal takeover of power, not by supposed illegal activities by my movement. Mr. Reich Chancellor! We National Socialists respect the constitution as we fight for political power, and hope that it will be possible for us to give the German people a new and healthier constitution. I promise you even now, however, that we will be more loyal to the present constitution than the current Weimar System is!

I cannot accept your doubts about the present and future legality of my party, Mr. Reich Chancellor, simply because you are a “statesman.” Mr. Reich Chancellor, you today are a statesman because of your office, but certainly not because you have the majority required by your constitution. I am a man of the people, and will leave it to the future and to the German people as to whether they wish to give me the often misused title of statesman.

Mr. Reich Chancellor, your doubts about the legality of my party are no justification for the necessity of the current government, nor are your fears about the supposed unreality of our program reasonable.

You said in your speech:

“No one knows more than I the hard fate our people are suffering today. Broad circles of our people have sought refuge from the difficulties in wishful thinking.

Wishful thinking, however, is not a political program. Rescuing Germany will only be possible when the government’s policies are not based on illusions, but rather when love of the people and fatherland is guided by the available means.

If the German people gives into the temptation of dealing with the troubles of the present by holding to unclear desires and by setting unreachable goals, Germany will collapse. Anyone who in desperation succumbs to such goals will have a terrible awakening. A government conscious of its responsibility for the people and fatherland may not give in to such currents. It may not and will not hold back from facing the threatening collapse of the people’s strength with firm energy. It tolerates no other power than authorized by the constitution. The Reich President and the Reich government along control state power. They will use them with pitiless strength if necessary, including

the imposition of martial law

against all who attempt to resist constitutional authorities in the hour of the greatest test of nerves.”

Mr. Reich Chancellor! The charge of illusions does not apply to the national opposition, least of all the National Socialist party or me, but above all the present System.

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Enemies of Public Health

Friday, May 11th, 2012

At present, the political agitators are making the most noise about the Law for the Prevention of Genetically Ill Offspring, and there enough cases known in which the faithful have publicly urged the violation of this law. They urge disobeying the law, even if the result is unhindered births of the physically, mentally, or psychologically ill, resulting in thousands and tens of thousands of cripples running about, vegetating to the honor of political Catholicism, half human, half animal! These obscurantists know the dismal statistics as well as we do, which have forced the National Socialist state to take action against such decay. As Albert Friehe writes in his book What must the National Socialist Know about Genetics:

“According to Judge Ebermayer, a single criminal family stemming from a drunken mother in 1810 had no less than 894 descendents by 1893, among whom were 181 prostitutes, 142 beggars, 76 serious criminals, 7 murderers, 40 residents of poor houses. Together, they cost the state about 5 million marks. A criminal family in America, begun by a bordello owner and drunkard, has been carefully studied. There were 800 descendents, of whom 700 were imprisoned at least once. 43% were alcoholics, 16% prostitutes. Legal costs devoured the enormous sum of 13.5 million marks.

The American criminal family of the “Jukes” is notorious. “Juke” was the nickname of a tramp born in New York in 1720, whose two illegitimate sons married five degenerate sisters. In 1877, of the 1200 descendents, 440 were feeble-minded, 310 were beggars who together had spent 3200 years in the poorhouse, 130 were criminals, including 60 thieves and 7 murderers. Over half of the women fell into prostitution. Only 20 learned a trade, 10 of them while in prison. By 1915 there were 2820 descendents, of whom half were alive. 600 of them were feeble-minded and epileptic, but only three of them were in an institution. The costs to the community were 11 million marks.”

These facts are further demonstrated in issue 1 of the series National Socialist Science, in an article titled “Racial Twilight and its Mastery through Mind and Action as a Fateful Question of the White Peoples” (by President Prof. Dr. Karl Astel):

“The so-called serious genetic burdens within the German people will astound those who have not previously studied the matter.

According to Lenz, whose figures are by no means exaggerated — even higher figures are sometimes given — among the 66 million people in Germany are:

Feeble-minded about 1.5%
Idiots about 0.25%
Mentally ill about 1.5%
Epileptics about 0.15%
Psychopaths about 7%
about 0.015%
Serious visual impairment about 0.075%
Deaf about 0.025%
Hard of hearing about 0.075%
Physically weak or infirm about 10%

According to the Reich Physicians’ Leader at the Reich Party Rally in Nuremberg in 1934. the financial cost for only the most serious cases of genetic illness is 1,200,000,000 marks annually.

The expenditures are spread across the categories of genetic illness as follows:

Genetic Cripples
30 million
Genetically deaf
15 million
Genetically blind
5 million
230,000 mentally ill
160 million
Training of caretakers
71 million
250,000 feeble minded
200,000 drunkards
400,000 psychopaths
200 million
Labor losses due to genetic illnesses
300 million
Legal and police costs
250 million

A genetically ill person 60 years of age has cost the Reich 50,000 marks.

What does all this mean? What does it mean when, for example, a German city pays 7.50 marks daily to a drunkard’s family, but only 3.50 marks to an unemployed engineer with a wife and nine children, so the man must first become a drinker to improve his circumstances? When as much must be spent for an idiot child as would be needed for 4-5 healthy German children? According to the dogma of the Roman Catholic Church, these people are more important than all scientific knowledge, so they cry bloody murder about the National Socialist state whose wise genetic policies and careful, justified elimination of incurable defectives are working to make the German people once again into a healthy, strong, youthful people.

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The Uncertain Casualty List: Questions and Concerns after Stalingrad by Hans Schwarz van Berk

Monday, May 7th, 2012

During the three days that followed the announcement of the fall of Stalingrad [there was a three day period of national mourning], we thought not only of the soldiers of the 6th Army, but also of their families. The announcement provided insufficient information to relieve the uncertainty, the hope, the tortuous uncertainty in many homes. That was not possible, given that the fate of an entire army was involved. Even our highly developed modern methods of communication fail when faced with a situation of superhuman enormity. The fate of the individual seems to vanish in the face of such enormous events.

Ships have vanished on the high seas, with no word of their crews, scouts have failed to come back, airplanes have not returned to their bases. In each case they were reported “missing,” but in such cases one can know what happened with a high degree of certainty. That is not the case with the soldiers of the 6th Army, particularly given the nature of our enemy. Many people in our homeland who worry about their soldier relatives now stare into the cold, unreadable face of Bolshevism. Civilized peoples faced with the finality of death refrain from hatred, trickery, and propaganda, but Bolshevism is pitiless and refuses even to give an honest death list.


Is there in fact any news about German soldiers in the Soviet Union, and if so how reliable is it? There are several facts. The Soviet Union signed the Geneva Conventions of 27 July 1929 “for the improvement of the condition of the wounded and sick in armies in the field,” but not the convention of the same day on the treatment of prisoners of war. Article Four of the first convention obliges the signatory powers to exchange the names of the wounded, ill and fallen as quickly as possible. The official Soviet offices have never done this. Why? Because the Soviets are not concerned about the fate of their people; the individual counts for nothing in a collective state. For 25 years, the Soviet Union has been the land of the missing. No independent agency has been given access to what happens in the hospitals and POW camps behind Soviet lines. This is unique and unprecedented in modern history.

Our soldiers in the East have had long experience with the Red Army’s methods. The Soviets have long used the methods they are now using to confuse and demoralize the German homeland on our soldiers at the front. The first battles were scarcely over when leaflets rained down on the German lines. They included the names photographs and unit numbers of allegedly fallen comrades. Sometimes there were facsimile signatures and details of birthplaces or home towns. Later there were postcards from comrades in POW camps. But who could know how long they remained alive after sending the postcards? Radio, too, served propaganda. The texts however were so absurd that anyone could see who wrote them. Our military leadership conscientiously checked to see if the lists of prisoners were accurate. Numerous cases have been discussed in the OKW’s “Mitteilungen für die Truppe.” Here is but one case: On 31 March 1942, the soldier Martin Amberger of IR 141 and 143 was given as the writer of an essay in a Bolshevist newspaper for the front. Actually, he had died on a scouting mission on 31 December 1941. When his body was found that same day, his pay book and weapon were missing. The Soviets have regularly taken the papers and letters of fallen German soldiers. When they attacked a German baggage train, letters, lists and IDs were their target. Names are what they wanted for propaganda, nothing more


Immediately after the last report from the 6th Army, the responsible offices worked to establish a casualty list. All those who were stationed in Stalingrad are currently being questioned. The 47,000 wounded and the sick in hospitals are being asked about losses up to the time they were evacuated. We are gathering all possible information about our soldiers at Stalingrad. In some cases, there will soon be certain information about the death of an army member. Others will face the uncertainty of news that their family member is missing. One hesitates to say more than that, but the families of the missing want to know more. The state cares for the families of the missing; after a waiting period they receive financial support. Instead of family support, the unmarried receive survivor’s benefits after one month, the married after three months, for a period of nine months. Support for families with many children is sometimes higher than under normal family support so that the best possible education is provided for the children.


As we write this, we sense the inadequacy of words. We sense the worst imaginings that will face many families for a long time. No mother or wife will give up hope that her son or husband may return one day. They remember that in the past the missing have sometimes returned unexpectedly. Think of how many prayers go up to the stars each night, the same stars on which the missing soldiers gaze. The thoughts of the sleepless meet above the roof tops, and a rainbow of immortal love stretches over our homeland. In such times a person should know that sorrow does not make him poorer, that longing is his deepest ability and that loyalty in memory is his noblest deed. No soldier who did his duty at Stalingrad, should he remain alive, will walk alone along the roads of the East. The unending inexhaustible strength of his love, of his comrades, of his people will walk with him, telling him that no German in our day is alone, whatever he may suffer for the Reich.

After we had buried out dead, we sat together and spoke of the family members they left behind. We thought that they had been spared a worse fate. If we had the time to write them, we would have said how fast and easy death comes for most in the field. We know how much mothers and wives worry about the final hour. As we think of the missing of Stalingrad, we know that if they too must die, none will lack the strength of a proud silence that the enemy’s mockery cannot break. Our soldiers have developed a humanity that is the best and noblest of the German spirit. What can break the soldiers who withstood the hell of Stalingrad for so many weeks? They have been changed, as we who were or are in the field can sense. They no longer share our understanding of life. They have gone through the bitterest trial, and are far beyond our daily troubles. They may not be able to speak to us, yet they are with us in every thought and with all their heart, wishing and thinking but one thing: that our people may be spared their fate. We have found in them the silent witnesses of our history, who may yet someday speak. They testify as to how much nobler, humane and beautiful life in our country is, where the individual lives in brotherhood and is honored, never lost and never forgotten. Among those who raise the Red flag, the fate of the individual is written in the sands of the steppes.

Now all we can do is to bow our heads to the family members of the heroes of Stalingrad, and to the heroes themselves. They must carry on the battle in their souls, and no one can take that burden from them. Only time will soften and heal their pain. Only the knowledge of a deed well done can console them, only our sympathy can help them, only our loyalty to them can strengthen their loyalty to those missing in the great battle. No one missing in the distant East is lost to our immortal history as long as our own devotion follows his example.

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The Facts Speak for Victory

Sunday, May 6th, 2012

The Sport Palace Speech by Reich Minister Speer

Fellow workers in the armaments industry!

Party comrades!

A year ago we held a ceremony honoring the accomplishments of the German armaments industry.

German armaments workers then were honored in a unique way. Some of them received the Knight’s Cross for War Service — the first Germans to receive the honor.

Pamphlet coverToday, a year later, we have particularly good grounds to hold such a ceremony again.

For me, and for my countless fellow workers gathered here, it is a particular joy to celebrate this day in this hallowed hall, together with old Berlin party comrades.

As an unknown party member, I sat among you often during the period of struggle to experience the Führer’s unique mass meetings, and to receive new courage from the passionate words of our Gauleiter, Dr. Goebbels.

Today, I speak to you to report the successes that our armaments industry has had in the past year.

The many millions who work in the armaments industry, the entire German people that to an increasing extent is working, directly or indirectly, to arm the Reich, and above all our soldiers at the front, have a right to know of the great advances in our armaments during the past year.

I cannot go into detail, since that would give the enemy information to aid his attacks on our industry, but the statistical information I will give the public today will give it the certainty that our armaments industry has accomplished great and remarkable things.


Long before the war began, our lack of raw materials forced us to tightly control our economy, and centrally direct it.

The Four Year Plan accomplished great things by building wholly new industries to manufacture such materials.

During the four years of war, enemy economic experts expected our production to sink year by year because of shortages of raw materials.

I can, to the contrary, report that German armaments production has increased each year, and achieved records in every area in May 1943. (The Minister’s statements were greeted with jubilant applause.)

Reich Marshall Hermann Göring’s historic achievement is to have laid the foundation for maintaining, and strengthening, the German armaments industry through the Four Year Plan.


Last spring, the Führer gave me precise orders to increase production of nearly all weapons, tanks, and munitions by a multiple of previous production. At first, the task seemed almost impossible to me and my colleagues.

Our armaments production had been centrally organized during the years of peace. It intensified once the war began, and was increased and improved as the war went on.

We calculated that to multiply production to such a degree would also require multiplying the workforce, manufacturing tens of thousands of machines, greatly increasing the availability of iron, copper, aluminum, and other metals that were in short supply, and further the building of new factories at a cost of several billion marks.

It was clear to all of us that, under these conditions, it was not possible.

A new way had to be found to increase armaments production.


During this period, many leading factories had already begin freely exchanging new methods that they had developed during the first years of the war.

The results were first systematically evaluated by the Luftwaffe, and then by the army.

The results were surprising.

Comparing firms with the same product, one saw that some firms used significantly fewer workers, or less material, or fewer factory machines to achieve the same production in the same period of time.


There were clearly leaders in industry who knew how to improve their operations such that they were far above average.

The task was now to make these men responsible for the larger issues of armaments production.

These thousands of capable factory heads, technicians, and leaders had to be released from their particular factories, and given dictatorial authority to organize and lead.

They could then apply what they knew to less effective factories.

That meant that they had to reveal the methods they had developed in their firms to others. Today, it is clear that they have done this with the genuine passion of the engineer and technician.

This thinking, stimulated by the Führer and Reich Marshall on 18 February 1942 resulted in an organization that today can demonstrate unique success.

These colleagues were given full authority that allowed them to do as they wished, to reorganize things, to change where production occurred, to clear up difficulties, or to close factories.

This powerful organization has been responsible for our industry for more than a year. It has since been extended to other industrial branches. Today, it includes 4,000 of the best engineers and technicians, who have all volunteered for the task and do their duty, fully conscious of the heavy responsibility that they bear.


At least a few of these largely anonymous men in the armaments industry should be introduced to the public. We will, therefore, ignore their desire to remain modestly behind the scenes.

The public has the right to know these men who have accomplished enormous things since since the beginning of the Four Year Plan.

Leading men of industry, such as Pfeiger, responsible for the entire coal industry, Krauch, who had built up the chemical industry important to the war effort, Röchling whose experience and energy have raised iron production to record levels, Rohland, who greatly increased tank production, Werner, who greatly increased the production of aircraft engines, Frytag and Heyne, who have multiplied the production of aircraft bodies and armaments, Geilenberg, who has dictatorial control of armaments production, Degenkolb, who had significantly increased production of locomotive engines. We also think of Porsche, responsible for the development of tanks, Müller, known as “Big Gun Müller,” responsible for our artillery and other weapons, and Wolff, who together with the branches of the military is responsible for the development of munitions. Then there are my closest colleagues Saur and Schieber, splendid industrialists. These are only the best of numerous other leaders, who coming from the best factories are using their knowledge to work closely with the military to build our enormous armaments industry. (The crowd interrupts the minister with approval and thanks.)


This organization, combined with the responsibility of industry, have resulted in new strength and new ideas, quickly resulting in a good chance of meeting the Führer’s major demands.

Confident in the experience of this group of responsible men, we promised the Führer that we would achieve what he ordered — although we were not at all sure how we would do it.


Today we can proudly report that we not only achieved the Führer’s orders, but in some areas significantly surpassed them. (Stormy applause).

Since spring 1942, we have increased several times over the monthly production of heavy tanks, of anti-tank guns, of light, medium, and heavy flak, of long range artillery, of every variety of munitions, including hand grenades and mines, and also of aircraft.

The Führer has given me permission to reveal to you today precise figures of the increases in this year.


It is necessary to stress something very clearly.

The achievements of the German worker have been unique. (Long lasting, lively applause.)

His idealism and willingness to work have made it possible to achieve the goals that we set.

The willingness to sacrifice, the unlimited willingness to work selflessly, which we have seem time and again, gives those in the leadership of armaments production the necessary strength to set ever new goals.

At times, workers voluntarily remained in their factories for weeks, sleeping for only a few hours in primitive camps together with their foremen, engineers, and directors, eating in the factory, in order to gain the time to meet important jobs within the necessary period.

And one can hardly thank them enough for the work they put into maintaining production in factories damaged by aerial attacks.

With stubborn determination, they worked to keep the lapses in production to the shortest possible time. In some factories, it was possible not only to meet production quotas by the end of the month, but even in some cases to exceed them.

These achievements were not possible through organizational methods. They were only the result of our factory teams who know what they owe to our fathers, brothers, and sons at the front.

Many quiet deeds were done, which the rest of us learned of only by accident.

Precise statistics will show that, despite aerial attacks in recent months, production has not fallen, but has instead steadily increased. (The minister’s statement is greeted with lively applause.)


The availability of the necessary raw materials and labor is the most important factor for high, steadily increasing, armaments production.

Thanks to Reich Marshall Hermann Göring’s Four Year Plan, begun before the war, the foundations of our armaments industry were built up to a degree sufficient for our needs.

And these resources have been strengthened year by year during the war, enabling even higher levels of armaments production.

The plants in the occupied territories and in the East have resulted in greatly increased production of coal and iron.

And during the past year, the monthly production of steel has been significantly increased by improved methods of production.

Ways of further increasing production have been worked out and implemented.

The production of specialty steels, central to armaments production, has significantly increased during 1942. Our production capacity in this area is about the same as America’s.


Our production of metals which are essential in armaments production has been significantly increased in Germany and the occupied territories. In this fourth year of war, we have sufficient supplies of copper, aluminum, magnesium, manganese, and other metals.

Over the past eighteen months to two years, numerous engineers have worked to find ways to economize in the use of metals. As a result, although we are producing many more weapons and pieces of equipment, the use of metals has fallen significantly.

We have found new methods that enable us to reduce our dependence on these metals. And since the occupied territories possess these metals in abundance, increasing supplies are guaranteed for the coming years.


Providing sufficient energy is a further requirement to increasing armaments production.

Our electrical production is rising from year to year. We expect that it will continue to meet the growing demand.

A large number of hydroelectric plans began operating this year, and even more will be available next year.

I can report that the temporary damage to two dams has not affected our energy supply. The decentralized nature of our electrical system allowed us to provide substitute sources of electricity to the armaments industry on the same day.

The enemy’s hopes that the water supply in the Ruhr would be disrupted for a long time have been hindered by a variety of temporary and longer-term measures.

Energy engineers have done particularly good work in every important factory. Their work and expertise have cut energy consumption significantly, up to half in some important areas.

The entire people has cut the use of electricity, gas, and water, and reduced the use of coal. All of this has allowed the armaments industry to further increase production since the beginning of this year.

Everyone should and must know that these measures, which must be continued and increased in the future, demand sacrifices that will directly benefit the front.


Transportation, which has a vital role in increasing armaments production, has made extraordinary progress since 1942.

All the transportation limitations present in spring 1942 have been eliminated, due to the Reichsbahn’s significantly increased daily performance.

The armaments industry has made a great contribution to improvements in the transportation industry, which is of decisive significance for supplying the front.

In 1942, the Reich Marshall ordered the armaments industry to do all it could to increase the production of locomotives, since large numbers of locomotives are necessary to master large territories.

We have increased average monthly production of locomotives by more than 300% between 1941 and May 1943.This will certainly increase in the course of this year.

Through numerous efficiencies and entirely new manufacturing methods, the labor cost of a locomotive has fallen by a third, the use of iron by 22%, and the use of copper by a fifth.

These figures sound simple, but it took an enormous amount of work to achieve them.

At the same time, the armaments industry received orders to take over the production of electric motors for trucks. The result:

Between 1 June 1942 and today, three and a half times as many trucks have been refitted with electric motors as in the previous three years together.

The successes this year have resulted in substantial savings in fuel, which corresponds to the continuing addition of many large hydroelectric plants, and allows more fuel to be sent to the front.


The provision of labor for the armaments industry deserves special thanks, for the labor supply is one of the fundamental problems, both for us and for our enemies.

Since party comrade Sauckel took on his difficult job, many new workers have been provided to the armaments industry and its suppliers.

Party comrade Sauckel not only succeeded in replacing the numerous men inducted by the military in 1942 and spring 1943; his contribution has been that since the beginning of his activity about a year ago, there has been an increase of 23% in the work force. Other areas of the war economy have also had a significant increase in the work force.


All of the great exertions I have mentioned so far are necessary to provide the necessary foundation for increasing armaments production.

Coal, iron, metals, transportation, electricity, gas, water, machines, and labor, all these must be coordinated in a complicated process to ensure supplies and parts for the armaments industry that enable the manufacture of weapons and equipment.

The best experts work to eliminate all problems, to ensure that the rapid flow of materials reaches the right place at the right time. Most importantly, they ensure that quality steadily improves, and that new weapons and new developments are introduced without disturbing the smooth functioning of the armaments industry.


In his proclamation at the beginning of 1943, the Führer said:

“The millions working in our industries have not only provided the armies with what they needed, but also have created the foundation for planned major increases in our armaments. Our talkative enemy warmongers have often told us what America plans to do. What it really can do and has done is unknown to us. But our opponents will learn in the coming year what Germany and Europe are able to do.”

Here I provide the first interim report on what our armaments industry has achieved between 1941 and today, thanks to the abilities and energy of out workers, thanks to the work of our engineers and technicians, thanks to the untiring and able work of the officers and engineers of the weapons offices, and thanks to the high sense of duty of German factory heads.

For understandable reasons, I can provide only percentages, not actual levels of production.

In recent months, figures have also been released by America that claim percentage increases in armaments production that are incredible to laymen: increases of ten-, twenty-, or even fifty-fold.

When we transformed our armaments production from peace to war conditions, there were also cases in which production increased ten- or twenty-fold over a short period. Once our armaments production reached a war level in 1941, using our full economic resources, significant increases were not easy to achieve. The fact that we were able to increase them by multiples requires entirely different standards of evaluation.


In summary, we have achieved the something like the following results:

First: Munitions.

In the month of May alone, we produced 6.3 times the tonnage of the average month of 1941. That means we produced a greater tonnage of munitions in May than we did in half of all the year 1941.

We achieved this result with 50% more workers, 132% more steel, 57% less copper, and only 2% more aluminum.

No clearer proof of the untiring work of our industry to save material and labor could be given.

How we did it — well, that will remain our secret.

Some details. The monthly production of anti-tank munitions 5 cm. and larger has increased by 1000% since 1941. Nearly all of that was the new medium and heavy anti-tank munitions, which were still not available in 1941.

Ammunition for light howitzers increased by 1300%, of heavy caliber 400%.

The monthly production of hand grenades increased in the same period from 100% to 410%, the production of mines by 1900%.

(The audience follows the minister’s remarks with growing interest and excitement, repeatedly interrupting him with strong applause.)

The manufacture of munitions across Europe requires the storage of large amounts of munitions. The Führer foresaw this, and made the necessary preparations.

The difficulties of supplying widely separated fronts means that our troops must be economical in using munitions, even though our production is significantly above consumption.


Second: The weapons.

The production of all guns of 3.7 cm and higher in May was 400% of the monthly average for 1941.

The number of workers has increased by 43% since 1941 and the use of steel by 78%, while the use of copper has decreased by half, and the use of aluminum has fallen to nearly a tenth of the previous figure.

Nonetheless, there has been a steady conversion to larger, better, but also heavier guns that demand more material.

Despite that, each gun requires about one third the labor, half the steel, one eighth the copper, and one fortieth the aluminum.

Some individual examples from this area of the armaments industry. The production of carbines has increased by half during the last four months.

We have had particular success in rapidly producing large numbers of the new fast-firing MG 42 machine guns. Despite the difficulties, monthly production of all types of machine guns in May was 70% higher than in 1941.

The production of light field howitzers increased by a multiple since 1941. The monthly figure has doubled since the total war effort began in February.

The production of medium and heavy flak guns has increased 315% since 1941.

Our heavy anti-tank guns are clearly superior to the enemy’s. We developed a new model in 1942, and have increased production since February 1943 by 220%, more than doubling it.

Together with the medium 5 cm. anti-tank gun, the monthly production of anti-tank guns has increased by 600% since 1941.

This is also true of all other forms of weaponry: light and heavy mine throwers, light flack, medium and heavy artillery, and also the manufacture of new gun barrels is significantly higher than in 1941.

This, too, is the result of the collective efforts of everyone in the armaments industry.

Third: Tanks.

The armaments industry has had particular success in tank manufacturing.

Our industry had put particular energy and devotion into catching up with and exceeding our opponents’ temporary advantage in production. Here, too, it is unnecessary to supplement the available statistical data with a lot of words. The numbers speak for themselves!

The total production of all tanks, both light and heavy, increased by a multiple.

The increase in light tank production, the former Panzer I, II, and II, is only 20% higher than the monthly average for the year 1942.

For understandable reasons, the emphasis has been on increasing production of heavy tanks, armored guns, the Panzer IV, and the Tiger. In recent months, production has been far higher than we in the armaments industry could have hoped for.

Since February of this year, the monthly production of heavy tanks has increased by 200% This increase was only possible because of the enormous achievements of our armaments workers.

The significance of this achievement becomes clear when we realize that deliveries to the troops in May increased by 1250% over 1941. (Renewed long-lasting applause from the audience, expressing their joy and thanks for the details provided by the Minister, who is repeatedly interrupted by stormy applause.)

In May alone, we manufactured more heavy tanks than in all of 1941.

Here, too, new production methods resulted in great savings in labor and material.


This is a particular achievement when one realizes that since 1941, tanks have become heavier, better armed, and better equipped.

The Luftwaffe’s weaponry, energetically directed by Reich Marshall Hermann Göring himself, has not lagged behind.

Numerous new models have been developed in the past year, and are already in production.

The number of aircraft increased by a multiple of the average for 1941.

Since providing statistics would give the enemy insight into our new methods and great advances in this area, I cannot give details at the moment of our great successes.


The German people today has been given powerful, incontrovertible information on the homeland’s achievements, achievements only possible because of the will of each individual in the great community of the homeland.

They all want to give their full effort to help the German soldier, ensuring that he has enough weapons of the highest quality.

This information also reaches the great community of workers, engineers, and leaders in the German armaments industry, letting them know the great successes their tireless work has had.

To recognize this work, the Führer has provided a unique honor. Nine workers and leaders of the German armaments industry are receiving the Knight’s Cross for War Service. (Lively approval and long-lasting applause.) These meals, which are an extraordinary honor for the entire German armaments industry are being awarded here today.

The Führer has authorized me to express his thanks for the sacrificial work and enormous achievements that you have so far accomplished.

He also expresses the thanks of the front to you, and to the millions of other workers in the armaments industry, who have contributed to this unique success.


As I make these proud accomplishments known, I want especially to thank the Reich Marshall, whose work with the whole German economy laid the foundation that enabled and ensured these achievements.

These achievements were made possible by the collegial and selfless efforts of Reich Minister and party comrade Funk, Field Marshall Milch, party comrade Dr. Ley, party comrade Sauckel, and our party comradeGauleiter Dr. Goebbels.

I also remember our unforgettable Reich Minister and party comrade Dr. Todt, whose ideas laid the foundation for what we are accomplishing today.

He was not blessed to see the results of the work he began, the extraordinary efforts of our capable industry.


The statistics I have provided give you an impression of the Reich’s enormous armaments production. You could see that production has increased significantly in many areas.

But there is one thing even more important than the production of aircraft, weapons, tanks, or munitions:

That is the application of our war experience to improve existing weapons, and to discover entirely new weapons.

In the present war, so tightly connected to technology, opposing masses cannot only be balanced by better quality, but also defeated by it.

I cannot do more here than assure you that German inventiveness, known throughout the world, is seeking and finding, and has already found, new ways.

When our new inventions are revealed to the public, it is only when those abroad learn about them through their effective use. That happens at a time when these weapons have already been surpassed by better ones.

It would be too cautious to withhold the impact of the Tiger from the German people, even after the sensation-seeking foreign press has carried major reports about this new weapon.

You may be sure, however, that we prefer to be too slow rather than too quick in announcing new weapons.

The rumors circulating in wide circles of the people are more unsettling.

It is unavoidable that tens of thousands of engineers and workers are involved in developing new weapons. However, they should avoid speaking about them, and it would be good if all people’s comrades conscious of their duty would keep silent in the German manner.


We have not only the possibility to develop new weapons given our tradition of manufacturing weapons and our well-trained engineers and inventors, but also, and in contrast to our opponent, we have the favorable structure of our economy and the ability to mass produce new weapons in the shortest period of time!

America and Russia have an indisputable advantage in mass producing items. However, this method of production restricts the ability to quickly change over to the production of new weapons. It often takes a year to retool for new production, and achieve superiority.

There is probably no country on earth that has so many well-trained workers with long experience in producing quality products that require the work of specialists.


Our widely distributed industry, with its countless large, medium, small, and even tiny factories, has one other advantage besides the ability to rapidly change over to the production of new weapons:

We are relatively safe from aerial attacks on our industry.

We have distributed manufacturing widely in individual factories, as the structure of our industry requires.

The difficulty that that once provided for mass production is today a decisive advantage.

For those areas in which mass production will remain essential for the long term, we have built enormous new factories that are far superior in size and production to those of our opponent.


Today, as part of the total war effort by the homeland, we are closing countless factories that make no decisive contribution to the war effort. This creates new opportunities to distribute important manufacturing.

Since closing these factories also frees energy, there is the possibility to further distribute industrial production.

And finally, we have productive resources in the occupied territories — also for raw materials — which we are putting to use.


Up to the beginning of this year, there were enough foreign workers present or available to meet the necessary production increases.

Today it is necessary, step by step and without any haste, to use additional labor in the homeland for the armaments industry and related important areas of the war effort.


Our goal for the remainder of 1943 is not only to maintain the production of May 1943, but also to significantly increase it by the spring of next year. (Stormy, long-lasting applause.)

Here, too, we have extensive and well worked out plans for new increases.

Achieving these goals, however, depends on the ever increasing readiness of the German people to continue their support of the German war economy.

The Führer expects that the homeland will spare no sacrifice when it come to supplying the soldiers at the front with new weapons.


Hard months of work are before us if we are to meet the Führer’s new goals in armaments production.

We vow to our soldiers at the front not only to continue to do our duty, but do do everything in our power to constantly increase our production from month to month.

And should my courage and that of my colleagues to meet new challenges ever weaken, we need only visit workers in the factories to receive new energy from their example of vitality and energy.


The accomplishments of the homeland that I have revealed today are enormous.

They fill us all with pride.

Despite that, we must and will always see our achievements as modest when compared with the deeds that occur at the front day after day.

If the homeland works with the same spirit with which soldiers out there fulfill their duty, then the manufacture of the necessary weapons will make a decisive contribution to the achievement of final victory.

We will provide the front with new weapons, new tanks, aircraft, and U-boats, and in sufficient numbers so as to enable our soldiers, with their unsurpassable superiority as fighters, not only to survive the battle, but to triumph in the end.

The front expects that of us, and we will fulfill this heavy burden.

We vow that to those who had to lose their lives in this battle.

(Long-lasting, lively applause follow the conclusion of Reich Minister Speer’s speech, as well as thanks and appreciation for that which has been accomplished, and for the oath to support the front to the fullest.)

The Sport Palace Speech by Reich Minister Dr. Goebbels

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Friday, April 20th, 2012

Oh holy heart of the peoples, O Fatherland!” You were created from the endless forests and wide moors that the glaciers of the ice age left us. It was poor land only made fruitful through sweat and toil, in joy and sorrow, in endless work. §One passed you on to the next and laid down in your earth from which new life grew. In you rest the endless ranks of past generations, the seed for new sowing in the wide land. The blood of the noble and brave who defended you fell on you. You were fertilized by the best that you bore. §From you, castles and cathedrals rose to the heavens, as if the earth itself wished to rise up to the god it was seeking. From our earth, from the seed of our dead. §The land is broad. Under the care of industrious hands it became a garden. They protected it lovingly, like the mountains and valleys protect their villages. Proud cities by the rivers, displaying the splendor of the old Reich. The market fountain has flowed for hundreds of years here. The gates still stand through which once the Kaiser, the knights and the nobility passed. §The silver stream of fate winds through. On the other bank is land that was lost. The heart almost stops. How one wishes to stroke the distant forests as one would an old and beloved face. But the heart beats once more on the plains and the coasts that German colonists won. The castle of the knights stands in the east, an eternal testimony of strength and virtue. There are the fields from which Frederick’s eagle rose toward the sun, and there, far from the borders, is the wall of German dead, an eternal memorial of the nation that withstood the world as long as it believed in itself. §Everything is founded in and rests in you, Fatherland. Our strength and our greatness, but also our need and our misery. You are the ground that bore us and will bear those distant generations that will work and bleed for you. §No one can live without you, but each will gladly give his life back to you who gave it to him.

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Friday, April 20th, 2012

A people gives itself its form through the state. There is only one natural form for each people, only one state.§In the natural process of growth, each people finds its form and its state, and finds them again when it has lost them, if only it wants to. §National Socialism has broken foreign compulsion and eliminated the unnatural. Germany once again grows into its own state and is once more itself. §The best rules, the Führer, and he carries the responsibility because he is best able to bear it. The parliament has ceased to exist. This form of Western democracy has been abolished. The German states established by the grace of counts or by Napoleon disappear. The Reich becomes one. The new state rises:

“The day is coming when a single tent will cover all the German land.”

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Friday, April 20th, 2012

Race means to be able to think in a certain way. He who has courage, loyalty and honor, the mark of the German, has the race that should rule in Germany, even if he does not have the physical characteristics of the “Nordic” race. The unity of the noble and a noble body is the goal to which we strive. But we despise those whose noble body carries an ignoble soul. §A variety of related European races have merged in Germany. One trunk grew from these roots. Each race gave its best strength. Each contributed to the German soul We Germans have a fighting spirit, a look to the horizon, the “desire to do a thing for its own sake” of the Nordic race. Another racial soul gave us our cozy old cities and our depth. Yet another racial soul gave us mastery of the magical realm of music. Yet another gave us our ability to organize, and our silent obedience. §We can not hold it against anyone if he carries a variety of racial lines, for the German soul does as well, and created out of it the immeasurable riches which it possesses above all other nations. The greatness of our Reich grew out of this soul. §But the Nordic race must dominate in Germany and shape the soul of each German. It must win out in the breast of each individual. Today our ideal is not the artist or the citizen, but the hero. §Our highest treasure is the soul that we have been given. He who mixes his blood with that of foreign inferior races ruins the blood and soul that have been given to him to pass on in purity to his children. He makes his children impure and miserable, and commits the greatest crime that he as a National Socialist can commit. §But he who follows the laws of race fulfills the great commandment that only like should be brought together with like, keeping apart those things like fire and water which do not mix.

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Pictures from the 1936 Nuremberg Rally

Saturday, April 14th, 2012
Cover of the Book

The book’s cover. Each party rally was given a name. 1936 was “The Party Rally of Honor.”

Inspecting the troops Hitler arrives in Nuremberg and is greeted by his personal guard, the Leibstandarte Adolf Hitler.
Acknowledging the crowd  Hitler’s standard hotel in Nuremberg was the Hotel Deutscher Hof. Here he greets members of the Hitler Youth.
Addressing the people Rudolf Hess opens the Party rally. The slogan at the back of the hall says: “A strong Reich is the bullwark of peace.”
Spotlights in the sky This shows the evening rally of about 100,000 party officials under the “Cathedral of Light” designed by Albert Speer.
Rows of troops Caption: “The high point of the rally. The SS, SA and NSKK march before the Führer.”
Der Fuhrer Hitler finishing an observance in honor of the dead.
Party banners Hitler consecrated 35 new standards for the NSKK, the party’s motorized auxiliary.
Saluting an officer Hitler dedicates new S.A. banners.


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The Führer Makes History: 1938

Sunday, March 25th, 2012

scan 15

3 October: In liberated Sudetenland

“The nation was willing to draw the sword for you. You will be ready to do the same, if ever the German nation or the German people are threatened.

Your good fortune is shared by the 75 million in the former Reich

scan 16

just as your sorrow was also shared by them.

You now join the great German future! We thank Almighty God that he has blessed us in the past and ask that he bless us also in the future.

Germany, Sieg Heil!”

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5 October: Opening of the Winter Relief Campaign

“Later historians will record that the German nation regained its honor, that our history has once again become a worthy history. I believe that this year the great social welfare organization must demonstrate similar results. I expect that the Winter Relief campaign in 1938 will correspond to the historical greatness of the year!”

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A New Year by Joseph Goebbels

Sunday, March 18th, 2012

1943 was a year of testing for us. The Reich had the task of defending the economic and military ground that our army had won in past great offensives, and which is the foundation of the coming final victory. It was to be expected that the enemy would do all it could to tear them from us. They did not succeed. They did it is true deal us significant blows, but were not able to bring about a fundamental change in the war situation. One needs only to remember the views and plans with which they began the past year to realize that they were able to gain only a small portion of their goals, a portion in no way sufficient to change the war in their favor.

That was openly admitted in London and Washington at the end of the year. The leading military critics of the Anglo-American newspapers competed in criticizing their war leadership, whose results stood diametrically opposed to their predictions and promises. That is how things in fact stand. We can be satisfied with the course of the war in 1943. It has not brought us what we hoped, but that is even more true for the enemy.

The enemy camp seriously underestimated the moral and military strength of the Reich in the most fateful and gravest ways. They are still doing that in part today. We Germans in general hold only our own government responsible if it makes false promises, but it is worth remembering that the British prime minister called the Anglo-American campaign in Italy the beginning of an attack on the soft underbelly of Europe and promised the public that reaching the Brenner Pass was only a matter of weeks. By the time the leaves fell in the fall, amphibian operations would finally have destroyed the Wehrmacht’s strength in all the European theaters of action. One needs only a cursory look at the map to realize that these were hasty prophecies not worth the paper they were printed on.

The enemy side was just as deceived about the political developments of 1943. How often was the moral collapse of the Reich predicted, yet here we are! One does not need rose-colored glasses to conclude that the German people have never been so determined to fight and win as they are in this fifth year of war. In the face of our determination, the enemy has had to back off from his demands for unconditional surrender. He has probably realized that it only makes him look ridiculous. What would the English and American soldiers say about it? On the Southern Front they must struggle through mine fields and conquer mountains at the cost of rivers of blood, only to lose them the next day. Their great offensives gain a few centimeters. One will not defeat the German army that way.

There is a familiar Berlin joke that exactly describes the current situation: “He who boasts gets more out of life.” The English and Americans have succeed in using clever and boastful bluff propaganda to persuade a certain part of the world that victory is a foregone conclusion that really does not need to be discussed any longer. The more the military facts speak against them, the more crudely and shamelessly London and Washington repeat their claims. On the one hand the enemy side is attempting to build up its own courage, and on the other to persuade the neutral public of things that are simply not true. They boast destructive plans against the Reich and the German people as if they were already in Berlin, while in fact they are fighting in vain a long way from Rome. We would never make propaganda so far from the truth. But the English and Americans do it without the least shame. They have the hippopotamus skins of hardened sinners, and the idea of a political conscience is entirely foreign to them. There is no point in arguing with them.

One of the favorite elements to their agitation is to speak of so-called war criminals. They use the familiar method of shouting “Stop, thief!” Churchill and Roosevelt know well enough that they are the real cause of this terrible war. They prepared it and unleashed it at the proper moment. The blood guilt rests with them. But that does not stop them from accusing those who were attacked of being the guilty party, of promising us the punishment that they themselves deserve. It is of course all theoretical: in fact, they face the unconquerable wall of our continent. They are trying to figure out how to open the gate without having to fight for it. They are following tested methods. They believe that what worked in 1918 has to work again this time, and therefore create the illusion that they have a material superiority and invincibility that we cannot oppose. We hardly want to deny that the enemy has caused us great difficulties, or that he will continue to do so in the future. That is how war is. But the enemy is not in the position to rip the tools of victory out of our hands. That is what is critical.

The Nurembergers have long said that one should not hang someone before catching them. We know that Churchill and Roosevelt would like to put the noose around the German leadership’s necks, not because they are responsible for the war, but rather because they are doing everything in their power to resist the enemy’s war of annihilation against the German people. What is even worse from the standpoint of Washington and London, they are succeeding. Were we of Bettman-Hollweg’s [a World War I German politician] stature, we would certainly get good press from the enemy. If we loosed our hold on the Reich or on the conquered territories so that the enemy could spread unrest within Germany and revolution in the occupied territories, we would certainly win the enemy’s sympathy. But we wage war from a practical standpoint, and maintain order in the areas we have occupied, which leads the English and Americans to call us war criminals who deserve the gallows.

And they do not only want to hang the German leadership, but rather the entire German people. They would surely hang us all if they had the power. They do not know us very well if they think that will make us fear. We have been condemned to death so often in the past for our political crimes that we could not have survived had we died every time. We are in the position of the police who have to deal with a band of gangsters. The gangsters have professional reasons to hate the police. They understandably wish them dead. The police, after all, guard the public and the state. But do the police fear the gangsters? The opposite. They fight them, and eventually bring them to justice.

The enemy has committed every conceivable crime against humanity, culture, and civilization. They are, in fact, so spiritually corrupt as to boast about it in public. They plunder honest and decent nations to fill the pockets of their own money barons. They let millions go hungry and hundreds of thousands starve to reduce them to political inactivity. They murder huge numbers of women and children, hoping through their unbelievable barbarism to weaken the will and destroy the confidence of their husbands and fathers. They bomb and burn more than two millennia of Europe’s cultural treasures. What other crimes could they commit to earn the disgust, the hatred, and the deep contempt of the entire world? Who has the right to speak of war crimes and historical justice, the enemy or we?

We know that this is painful for Churchill, Roosevelt, and their comrades. Their paid agitators will respond with howls of outrage. But that does not alter the fact that we are telling the truth, which the world’s public realizes. The enemy’s bluff propaganda is childish! They are trying to suggest they have strengths that they do not have. They surround themselves with hollow social and humanitarian phrases, but only lies and deception are behind them. They are trying to keep their own and foreign nations in the dark, to keep them defenseless, and then to plunder them. They would long since have succeeded had not National Socialist Germany taken up the struggle against them. That is why they hate us with burning rage. It resembles the hatred and rage criminals have for the police, who reveal their dark handiwork even if they are dressed in a tuxedo and attempt to play the role of the gentleman.

The police are not deceived, and neither are we. We have seen through the enemy, and they know it. Our ears are deaf to their lies. In its struggle against the plutocratic-Bolshevist conspiracy, young National Socialist Germany feels itself the leader of the entire civilized world. It would cease to exist were we to give up before the enemy’s assault. We are God’s instrument today, fulfilling a great historical mission. It cannot be postponed. We must do it, or humanity will collapse. We all know this. This is a struggle between light and dark, between truth and falsehood, between true humanity and inhuman barbarism. Germany carries the banner. All the oppressed and tortured peoples look to us in hope, because they expect from us alone a new order and the salvation of the world.

Our language is not able to express the extent of our responsibility. This is more than a war, it is a battle for the world. A sinister conspiracy is attacking the foundations of human society. Whether humanity will be saved or whether it will collapse depends wholly on us. They enemy is using every possible base and cynical method to divert us from our mission, to tire us out, to weary our souls, to shake our hearts. But the last year proves once again that they will never succeed. The blessing of fate is with us.

This is the conviction with which we close the book of the old year and open that of the new. There are riddles and more riddles before us. We know that we can and must solve them all. It will be a dangerous year in which the fate of civilized humanity once again will hang in the balance. And as was the case so often in the past, salvation will come when one least expects it. We need only believe firmly in it, and fight for it. Salvation lies in loyalty to ourselves and to our task. As the year changes, millions of German soldiers raise their weapons, millions of German farmers their scythes, millions of German workers their hammer. Behind them millions of German women raise their children, both in supplication and in demand. The current generation of our people is defending the Reich, as countless generations before them also have done. It was given to us from the hands of our weak and discouraged fathers. We want to pass it on, strong and powerful, to our children.

That is why we are fighting and winning this war. Each new year is new proof of that.

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Our Hitler Goebbels’ 1939 Speech on Hitler’s 50th Birthday

Tuesday, March 6th, 2012

In an unsettled and confused world, Germany tomorrow celebrates a national holiday in the truest sense of the word. It is a holiday for the entire nation. The German people celebrate the day entirely as a matter of the heart, not of the understanding.

Tomorrow the Führer finishes his fiftieth year. The entire German nation takes pride in this day, a pride in which those peoples who are friendly with us also take deep and hearty part. Even those who are neutral or oppose us cannot ignore the strong impact of the events. Adolf Hitler’s name is a political program for the entire world. He is almost a legend. His name is a dividing line. No one on earth can remain indifferent to his name. For some, he represents hope, faith, and the future, for others he is an exemplar of confused hatred, base lies, and cowardly slander.

The highest that a person can achieve is to give his name to an historical era, to stamp his personality indelibly on his age. Certainly the Führer has done that. One cannot imagine today’s world without him.

Treitschke once said that men make history. If this is true, when more so than in our era? He has shown his simplicity and depth in the most wonderful way. Adolf Hitler has influenced not only the historical development of his country, but one can say without fear of exaggeration that he has given all of European history a new direction, that he is the towering guarantee of a new order for Europe.

Our part of the world looks vastly different today that it would without him, not to mention his impact on our own people and nation. He has given the German nation an entirely new face through revolutionary internal transformations.

Someone who saw Germany for the last time in 1918 would scarcely recognize it today. The people and nation are entirely different. What seemed like a miracle only a short while ago is self-evident today.

About a year ago, the Führer solved the problem of joining Austria to the Reich. The whole people celebrated his 49th birthday then. 7 1/2 million Germans had returned to the Reich. A Central European problem one almost believed to be unsolvable was miraculously solved.

On the eve of his 50th birthday, we can happily see that once again the map of Europe has changed in the Reich’s favor, and — unique in world history — this change has occurred without bloodshed. It came as the result of a clear desire to establish peace in an area of Europe in which the contradictions were so severe that there was danger that they sooner or later would cause a general European conflagration.

This new peace in the threatened areas is not a peace of tired, moralistic theories that are endangered as often as the false bourgeois democrats praise them. It is much more a peace that is built on practical realities

Such a peace could be built only on the foundations of a higher, instinctive understanding growing from the knowledge that only strength gives a people the opportunity to finally resolve problems.

Successful policies require both imagination and reality. Imagination as such is constructive. It alone provides the strength for powerful, flexible historical conceptions. Realism on the other hands brings the ideas of political fantasy in agreement with hard reality.

The Führer possesses both characteristics in a unique harmony seldom seen in history. Imagination and reality join in him to determine the goals and methods of political policy. His contemporaries are constantly astonished and amazed by seeing how he brilliantly brings goals and methods together to influence history. He has no stubborn ideas, no tired tactical doctrines, to dim his vision and reduce his political imagination. His inflexible principles are joined with changing and flexible political methods that have lead to the greatest and most unexpected successes for Germany.

That is nothing new for us old National Socialists. We learned to admire the Führer’s political abilities in the earliest phases of our party’s hard struggle for power in the Reich. They were demonstrated in many small and apparently unimportant ways at the time, though they were then for us and the movement as important as the goals and problems of today.

Then too there were doubters who failed to see the greatness and brilliance of the Führer’s decisions during the struggle for power. They favored the false wisdom that Clausewitz discussed: they wanted nothing but to escape danger. We are therefore not surprised or anxious to see the same or similar happenings in internal German politics that we earlier saw in the National Socialist movement.

The only thing that has changed over the years is the scale of the Führer’s actions; his methods and goals have remained the same. Back then we saw in him the political instincts of a truly historic genius, able to understand problems and find the simplest and clearest solution to them from his own greatness and certainty. That is why we were then his most loyal and obedient servants of this man and his work, entirely aside from the human element.

So what we see today is nothing new for us old National Socialists. We therefore have no doubt of the outcome of Germany’s current battle for its national existence. Our whole people has the same instinctive feelings, which are the cause of the blind and unshakable confidence it places in the Führer.

The man in the street is usually not in a position to understand the entire political situation. He lacks the practice, the experience and above all the background necessary to form a clear and certain judgment. It is therefore entirely understandable why he dislikes theories and programs, and prefers to place his firm and confident faith in a personality.

A nation inclines to doctrines only when it is poor in personalities. But when a man of historic greatness stands at its head, one who not only wants to lead but is able to do so, the people will follow him with its whole heart, giving him its willing and obedient allegiance. Even more, it will put all of its love and their blind confidence behind him and his work.

A nation is willing to sacrifice when it knows what it is sacrificing for and why it is necessary. That is true in Germany today. None of the numerous slogans that the broad masses of our people heard in the years after 1918 has had such powerful effect on the entire nation as the phrase “One People, one Reich, one Führer!”

The first two phrases were heard for the first time in 1937 at a singing festival in Breslau. The Führer stood high on the platform against the gathering darkness. Hundreds of thousands of people had gathered from every corner of the nation and from everywhere in Europe where Germans dwell to hear him speak. Suddenly, from the corner of this army of hundreds of thousands where the Austrians stood came the call “One people, one Reich.” It gripped and fascinated the whole crowd, and for the first time gave concise but clear expression to a program.

A year later we saw the Führer on a hot Sunday afternoon standing on the platform at the Schloßplatz in Breslau once again. German gymnasts performed before him. As the racial comrades from the Sudetenland passed before him, without command or order, they suddenly formed a wall before him. These people who had come from the Sudetenland to Breslau only to see his face, refused to move. Weeping women seized his hand. One could not understand what they were trying to say, since tears drowned their voices.

Once again, it was only a few months before the problem they had brought to the Führer was solved.

The Greater German Reich, in the truest sense of the word, has now become a reality. Even more, the Führer has given his peace to Central Europe. It is clear that this is not to the pleasure of those democratic enviers of the National Socialist Reich. Through the Treaty of Versailles they had build a ring of trouble spots around Germany that they could use to keep the Reich in constant difficulties.

A man has come from the broad masses of the German people who removed these trouble spots with the firmest measures. Democracy sees its hopes vanishing. That explains their rage and moralistic disappointments. Their hypocritical prayers came too late. The enemies of the Reich are at the end of their rope. They look ridiculous, and cannot understand why.

We greet their hysterical cries with sovereign contempt, a sovereign contempt shared by the entire German people. The German people know that the Führer has restored it to its rightful position in the world. The Reich stands in the shadow of the German sword. Germany’s economy, culture and popular life are blooming under a security guaranteed by the army. The nation, once sunk into impotence, has risen to new greatness.

We remember all of this as we begin to celebrate the 50th birthday of the man whom we thank for our nation’s might and our people’s greatness. No German at home or anywhere else in the world can fail to take the deepest and heartiest pleasure in participation. It is a holiday of the nation, and we want to celebrate it as such.

A people fighting for its fate must now and again stop in the midst of the tumult of events to remind itself of its situation, methods and goals. Today is such a time. The nation puts on its best clothing and stands before its Führer united in loyalty and brotherhood, to bring him their heartiest best wishes on his 50th birthday. These are the wishes of all Germans in the Reich, as well as those in every other nation and continent. Germans throughout the world join with us who have the good fortune to live in the Reich in these warm and thankful wishes. To this choir of a hundred million are joined the voices of all those peoples want true peace and order in Europe, who love its history and its culture.

As we begin to celebrate the Führer’s 50th birthday in this festive hour as a great national community, we join in a fervent prayer to Almighty God that he graciously preserve in the future his life and work. May he grant the German people’s deepest wish and keep the Führer in health and strength for many more years and decades. Then we will not need to fear for the future of the Reich. The fate of the German nation rests in a strong and sure hand.

We, the Führer’s oldest followers and fellow fighters join together at this festive hour with the hearty wish that we have always had on the birthday of this man: May he remain for us what he is and always was:

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Goebbels on New Year’s Eve 31 December 1943

Tuesday, March 6th, 2012

My German Comrades!

The year 1943 is nearing its end. It will never be forgotten by us who fought and worked and lived through it. It was the most difficult year of the war so far, one that subjected us to great moral and material tests. It gave us the task of holding that which we conquered in our glorious offensives of the earlier war years, which is the foundation of our final victory, and of defending it against the raging storm of our enemies with courage and without wavering. In large part we succeeded. We have had it is true to accept losses and setbacks, but they in no way are decisive for the outcome of the war, nor are their causes to be sought in any failure in our morale or material during this long war. The cowardly betrayal of the Italian king and a clique of generals cost the Axis camp the economic and military strength of an ally, and it could not be avoided that the general war situation was affected thereby. We had to pull back our lines in the East as well as in the South. The resulting withdrawals of our troops gave the enemy side a welcome opportunity to speak of the military collapse of the Reich, or even to make overhasty reports of approaching victory. They were fundamentally mistaken.

Our war position has indeed become tighter than it was at the end of 1942, but it is more than sufficient to guarantee us a certain final victory. One need only compare the successes of the other side with what they had hoped for to realize that our prospects of full victory have not been affected by the events of this year. The English and Americans are not at the Brenner Pass, but rather far from Rome. The Bolshevist offensive army has not been able to reach the German Reich’s border as they wanted and planned to; our army in the East instead is offering bitter resistance far from our critical territory and interests. The amphibious operations Churchill promised have not occurred, and their constantly promised arrival will meet a battle-ready German Wehrmacht wherever they may come. In a word: the loss of an ally on our fighting front presented us with great and sometimes dangerous difficulties, but we have dealt with them. That in the end is the important thing. The outcome of a war is dependent not on wishes and intentions, but only on facts. The enemy did not succeed in the past year in affecting in a serious way our war effort in any critical area. If the great test of a war is that it brings challenges that can only be met by using all moral and material resources, the German people passed the test in the past year. It will doubtless go down in history as the most glorious of this great struggle for our existence. It is true that we looked back on more glorious victories in the first years of the war that we do this time. This year we had to prove ourselves. We had to prove to ourselves and to history that we could overcome great, even the greatest, difficulties, that we would not fail, but rather that our courage and our tough endurance are growing, and that we did. The year 1943 was thus a hard but proud year for us. It deserves a just evaluation. We have withstood it. The enemy broke his teeth on our military and moral resistance. What that means for the future of the war cannot yet be seen. That is true above all of the Eastern Front. Our soldiers there have survived a test of their steadfastness in the past year that puts everything that came before in the shadows. The OKW Report summarizes in two or three lines a heroism that cannot be put in words. It is frightening to realize that we Germans on our own, with but a few small but brave allies, are waging hot and bitter battles to protect a part of the world that in large part has not deserved it. Each fighting German soldier is therefore closer to our hearts than a thousand overly clever newspaper writers of a certain press that at best have good advice, but scarcely find a word of recognition and thanks for the heroic and sacrificial struggle that our Wehrmacht is also fighting for the preservation of the life of their peoples. The danger of Bolshevism, which threatens all of Europe, could be successfully resisted in the past year. Our troops have surpassed themselves. If the Soviets believed they could drive to our borders, the most recent battles in the wide spaces of the East have probably taught them how vain these hopes were.

It will forever be the greatest shame of the century that England and the United States joined with Bolshevism in their hate-filled battle for military success against our venerable continent. They will also not gain victory; to the contrary, at most they will ruin the economic foundations of their own nations. Only shame will remain. Perhaps it must be that way to speed along the inner decay of this rotten plutocratic government system. One can speak here only of perverse political and military cooperation. Despite that, it is an enormous danger for us and for Europe, and we must gather all forces to meet it. There is no point in hoping for the aid of other threatened peoples and states. They indeed see the danger, but no power in the world can make them do anything about it. They resemble the rabbit that looks hypnotized at the snake until it is devoured. We are mostly dependent on ourselves to successfully carry out this battle for our existence and the existence of our continent. And we can do it. The economic and military strength of the Reich has grown greatly since the beginning of the war when we faced a far greater danger, which the enemy himself must grant. Europe is largely in our hands. The enemy will leave no method untried in the coming year to rip important positions from the hands of our war leadership. If he is to do this, the state of things requires that he take dangerous risks in the West, which until now he has successfully avoided. He tried to replace them by an air offensive, which everyone knows, and which the enemy even openly admits, is directed more against our war morale than our war potential. I speak of an air offensive, which is a very polite and restrained circumlocution for a completely unsoldierly way of fighting that has no historical parallel in its coarseness and brutality. Through the centuries, it will remain the second great shame of the English and the Americans. During the First World War they tried starvation against women and children. Now they are using phosphorus to beat down a fine and decent nation that demands nothing more than a decent and free life.

What worked for the enemy in the First World War will fail him in the Second World War. There is no point in even speaking about it. Our people survived so brilliantly the test of enemy air terror during the year 1943 that the enemy can bury the hopes he had for it. The nights of bombing have indeed made us poorer, but also harder. The misery of air terror is to some degree the mortar that holds us together as a nation in the midst of all dangers. Our people have not fallen apart during the nightly fire storms as our enemies hoped and wished, but rather has become a firm and unshakable community.

That is the most valuable lesson of the year 1943. Under the pressure of events, we have to a certain extent become accustomed to the horrors of modern war. The English people will have to get used to them again, too. The air war is pleasant for the enemy only so long as it is one-sided. When it becomes two-sided again, the outbursts of joy on the part of the London press will soon fall silent. British and American pilots however will soon face defensive measures in the entire Reich during their brutal attacks on German cities and their civilian population that will spoil their fun. There is no weapon in this war that does not in time bring forth a counter-weapon. That will be true here too. The enemy’s air war has only limited effects on our war effort. That is also not his goal. Our production campaign is not affected in any serious way, so the further successful continuation of the war is for us absolutely assured. We assume that the English and the Americans will try an invasion in the West during the coming spring. They will have to because Stalin, their supreme lord and ruler, wants them to. Then it will become clear who is right, the enemy side or us. In any event, the English and American public can see what their soldiers have to expect from the battles in Italy, and should not forget that the German Wehrmacht defending Rome is still fighting far from the edge of our zone of interest, while our life is at stake in the West. It is very probable that the war will thereby enter its decisive stage.

Our prospects for victory are more than favorable. It is in general a thankless task to play the prophet in such a critical time. However, the German leadership has never faced coming events with such sovereign calm as it does now. Of course the enemy side presents its chances as absolutely certain. The example of Italy proves, however, that it suffers from the fateful disease of overestimating its own strength and underestimating that of its opponent. It is easy to expect, therefore, that English and American soldiers will have an unpleasant surprise in the coming year. They will have to thank their governments, which will lead them blindly into bloody misfortune. A decisive element in victory is a consciousness of the justice of one’s cause. We certainly have enough of that. We know very well why we are defending Europe; neither the English nor even less the Americans know what they are fighting for. But they will have to shed the most blood. No one will die gladly for a government based on arrogance and class pride, in which the workers are the slaves of the money moguls, and whose leaders coin lovely social phrases but carefully avoid social actions. But a soldier will defend as his own life a state that is his own, that is a social state in the truest sense of the word, that provides the average man with the chance to rise, that defends in its policies and war leadership only the interests of the whole people and not a small layer of plutocrats, a nation whose best sons lead it to prosperity and happiness. If the English and the Americans come, they will meet such a state, and such soldiers of the National Socialist Germany they hate so much, as to teach them that the effects of their cowardly and stupid propaganda are different now than they were in 1918.

I need not waste words about what this war means to us. Our enemies have left no doubt of that. We are defending our existence. It is good for us to know that. It does not make us weak, but hard. A defeat would destroy us all. The English and Americans would take our commerce, our ships, mines, factories and machines, the Bolshevists our men and children. What remained would no longer be a nation, only a heap of millions of starving and ragged slaves, defenseless and stupidly vegetating and, as the enemy wishes, posing no danger for its torturers and suppressors. Over against that is the victory that we can and will achieve. It will open the door for us to the final freedom and independence of our people. Then we will be on the road to peace and free labor, the reconstruction of our homeland and a deep social happiness that rests in the community of us all. Truly that is a goal that is worth all the labor, sorrow and exertion of this war. Who would not want to accept them, no matter how difficult it might seem! They are the prerequisites for our coming freedom from all the chains, for the salvation of all of civilized humanity. If I am asked what the primary virtue that will lead us to victory is, I can give but one answer: loyalty to ourselves, loyalty to our vision of the world and to our political affirmation of faith. In November 1918, the Reich plunged into the deepest depths of national disgrace because it was failed by its leadership in the final hour and became disloyal to its cause. Just before the end, it lacked the last moment of endurance that in the end makes that possible which seems impossible. That endurance is the most important thing. A nation must fight courageously and intelligently for its existence. But that is not enough. When events intensify and march with giant steps to their culmination, racing toward the crisis, the main thing is that the leadership and people keep their nerve, stubbornly and persistently overcoming dangers and difficulties, letting nothing distract them from the continuation of the course that they once saw as correct, keeping their eye only on the good star of their fate. Suddenly one day the clouds that hid the sun will clear and the sky will again be bright. So it will be in this war, too.

What should I say at the end of this almost concluded stormy year to thank the whole nation for its devotion, hard work, loyalty and sacrifice, for its bravery, its contribution of wealth and blood? I do not know where to begin or where to stop. The front and the homeland have outdone themselves. The party as the political leader of the people has accomplished great things. In the countless sorrows and difficulties of everyday life during the war, particularly in the areas affected by the air war after the worst terror attacks, it is an example of how to deal with every difficulty. More than that, true to its traditions as a soldier’s party, it has sent millions to the German front. This is to its great honor, and it far surpasses what is demanded of the German people in general. Here, too, it has proven that it remains a party of fighters.

Countless party members defend Germany’s existence at the front; tens of thousands of its leaders and members have sealed their loyalty to the Fatherland with death. The movement consisted of volunteers as it fought for the Reich between 1919 and 1933; once again it is mostly volunteers who stream from its ranks to the front, and continue to stream there from its youth organization, to stop the danger that looms over Germany and all of Europe. This party that grew out of struggle and stands today in the midst of it as well greets its Führer at the end of this and at the beginning of the next year. It greets him in the name of his people, whose honor and pride it is to lead. Countless millions of German soldiers bearing weapons on every front join in this greeting, as do countless millions of German workers and farmers who forge the weapons and give the nation its daily bread. It is also the greeting of millions of German women and mothers who speak in the name of their children, both those who have been born and those who will be born, for whom they wish a good future. They put their fate confidently in the hand of the Führer and in his soldiers. In passionate thankfulness the homeland remembers the fighting front and promises that no trick, no terror, and no power of the enemy will weary it or make it bend. Gathered around the Führer, we German people stand at the end of this hard year of war and step courageously into an as yet unknown future. We know that it will be our future. Fate will give us nothing; we must fight for it. We want to do that. With stubborn doggedness we await the enemy, whether he sneaks over our cities at night, whether he rams against our front in the East with superior numbers of men and material, whether he gets his head bloodied in the South or whether he finally risks an attack on the Atlantic Wall. Wherever he attacks us, he faces a front of German men, and in the homeland where these are lacking, German women, boys, and girls. The year 1944 will find us ready. Trained in the great lessons of history, educated in the spirit of National Socialism, with the example of our fathers before our eyes, we accept the struggle for our existence. In the end it will open the way for us to the future. With such a Führer as we have and such a people as we are and always want to be, who can doubt our victory! What we won in the first half of this war by bravery we must defend with stubbornness in its second half. That we will do with all the strength of our heart. There is none among us who does not know why.

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Hitler Broadcasts Plea for Winter Aid (August 30, 1942)

Sunday, March 4th, 2012

“The soldiers of our armies are fighting in a territory as vast as the world, placing in jeopardy their lives and their health,” he said. “The greater part of the European nations, as well as those peoples of the Far East, are in league with them [the German soldiers] so that our countries will not become the victims o f Bolshevist barbarism or Judeo-Anglo-Saxon capitalistic exploitation. The old enemies of the Reich, as at the time we struggled for internal power, are again in coalition against us.

“American and English agents today pretend they wish to erect a new and better world than was their old one, one in which every one could work and clothe himself and live.

“If that were true, there was no necessity to attack the German in particular, for National Socialism had long ago solved most of these problems-or was in the course of solving them.”

For Herr Hitler the aim of “these international criminals” is not a better social structure but rather the “brutal destruction of National Social European States, which are opposed to their capitalism.

“Their objective is enslavement [of these European States] similar to that under which India has had to suffer so long.

“From now on the attempt to starve the European peoples, desired by the self-styled benefactors of mankind, Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin, may be considered disposed of.

“In 1939 and 1940 and even possibly again in 1941, our materialistic adversaries have thought of reducing the German people to a slavery worse even than that of the Versailles Diktat. The duty of the soldiers on the front and the laborious German people behind is to destroy forever this hope of the international hyenas and bolshevist beasts and show them that this war can end only by a decisive victory of the ‘have not’ nations over the possibility of a new exploitation by the ‘have’ nations.

“I therefore count on the nation to accomplish its duty in this fourth war collection for the Winter Health.”

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Hitler’s Proclamation to the German Nation, Berlin SPEECH OF FEBRUARY 1, 1933

Tuesday, January 31st, 2012

MORE than fourteen years have passed since the unhappy day when the German people, blinded by promises from foes at home and abroad, lost touch with honor and freedom, thereby losing all. Since that day of treachery, the Almighty has withheld his blessing from our people. Dissension and hatred descended upon us. With profound distress millions of the best German men and women from all walks of life have seen the unity of the nation vanishing away, dissolving in a confusion of political and personal opinions, economic interests, and ideological differences. Since that day, as so often in the past, Germany has presented a picture of heartbreaking disunity. We never received the equality and fraternity we had been promised, and we lost our liberty to boot. For when our nation lost its political place in the world, it soon lost its unity of spirit and will….

We are firmly convinced that the German nation entered the fight in 1914 without the slightest feeling of guilt on its part and filled only with the desire to defend the Fatherland which had been attacked and to preserve the freedom, nay, the very existence, of the German people. This being so, we can only see in the disastrous fate which has overtaken us since those November days of 1918 the result of our collapse at home. But the rest of the world, too, has suffered no less since then from overwhelming crises. The balance of power which had evolved in the course of history, and which formerly played no small part in bringing about the understanding of the necessity for an internal solidarity of the nations, with all its advantages for trade and commerce, has been set on one side. The insane conception of victors and vanquished destroyed the confidence existing between nations, and, at the same time, the industry of the entire world.

The misery of our people is horrible to behold! Millions of the industrial proletariat are unemployed and starving; the whole of the middle class and the small artisans have been impoverished. When this collapse finally reaches the German peasants, we will be faced with an immeasurable disaster. For then not only shall a nation collapse, but a two-thousand-year-old inheritance, some of the loftiest products of human culture and civilization.

All about us the warning signs of this collapse are apparent. Communism with its method of madness is making a powerful and insidious attack upon our dismayed and shattered nation. It seeks to poison and disrupt in order to hurl us into an epoch of chaos…. This negative, destroying spirit spared nothing of all that is highest and most valuable. Beginning with the family, it has undermined the very foundations of morality and faith and scoffs at culture and business, nation and Fatherland, justice and honor. Fourteen years of Marxism have ruined Germany; one year of bolshevism would destroy her. The richest and fairest territories of the world would be turned into a smoking heap of ruins. Even the sufferings of the last decade and a half could not be compared to the misery of a Europe in the heart of which the red flag of destruction had been hoisted. The thousands of wounded, the hundreds of dead which this inner strife has already cost Germany should be a warning of the storm which would come….

In those hours when our hearts were troubled about the life and the future of the German nation, the aged leader of the World War appealed to us. He called to those of us in nationalist parties and leagues to struggle under him once more, in unity and loyalty, for the salvation of the German nation. This time the front lines are at home. The venerable Reichsprasident has allied himself with us in this noble endeavor. And as leaders of the nation and the national Government we vow to God, to our conscience, and to our people that we will faithfully and resolutely fulfill the task conferred upon us.

The inheritance which has fallen to us is a terrible one. The task with which we are faced is the hardest which has fallen to German statesmen within the memory of man. But we are all filled with unbounded confidence for we believe in our people and their imperishable virtues. Every class and every individual must help us to found the new Reich.

The National Government will regard it as its first and foremost duty to revive in the nation the spirit of unity and co-operation. It will preserve and defend those basic principles on which our nation has been built. It regards Christianity as the foundation of our national morality, and the family as the basis of national life….

Turbulent instincts must be replaced by a national discipline as the guiding principle of our national life. All those institutions which are the strongholds of the energy and vitality of our nation will be taken under the special care of the Government.

The National Government intends to solve the problem of the reorganization of trade and commerce with two four-year plans:

The German farmer must be rescued in order that the nation may be supplied with the necessities of life….

A concerted and all-embracing attack must be made on unemployment in order that the German working class may be saved from ruin….

The November parties have ruined the German peasantry in fourteen years.

In fourteen years they have created an army of millions of unemployed. The National Government will, with iron determination and unshakable steadfastness of purpose, put through the following plan:

Within four years the German peasant must be rescued from the quagmire into which he has fallen.

Within four years unemployment must be finally overcome. At the same time the conditions necessary for a revival in trade and commerce are provided.

The National Government will couple with this tremendous task of reorganizing business life a reorganization of the administrative and fiscal systems of the Reich, of the Federal States, and the Communes.

Only when this has been done can the idea of a continued federal existence of the entire Reich be fully realized….

Compulsory labor-service and the back-to-the-land policy are two of the basic principles of this program.

The securing of the necessities of life will include the performance of social duties to the sick and aged.

In economical administration, the promotion of employment, the preservation of the farmer, as well as in the exploitation of individual initiative, the Government sees the best guarantee for the avoidance of any experiments which would endanger the currency.

As regards its foreign policy the National Government considers its highest mission to be the securing of the right to live and the restoration of freedom to our nation. Its determination to bring to an end the chaotic state of affairs in Germany will assist in restoring to the community of nations a State of equal value and, above all, a State which must have equal rights. It is impressed with the importance of its duty to use this nation of equal rights as an instrument for the securing and maintenance of that peace which the world requires today more than ever before.

May the good will of all others assist in the fulfillment of this our earnest wish for the welfare of Europe and of the whole world.

Great as is our love for our Army as the bearer of our arms and the symbol of our great past, we should be happy if the world, by reducing its armaments, would see to it that we need never increase our own.

If, however, Germany is to experience this political and economic revival and conscientiously fulfill her duties toward the other nations, one decisive step is absolutely necessary first: the overcoming of the destroying menace of communism in Germany. We of this Government feel responsible for the restoration of orderly life in the nation and for the final elimination of class madness and class struggle. We recognize no classes, we see only the German people, millions of peasants, bourgeois, and workers who will either overcome together the difficulties of these times or be overcome by them. We are firmly resolved and we have taken our oath. Since the present Reichstag is incapable of lending support to this work, we ask the German people whom we represent to perform the task themselves.

Reichspräsident von Hindenburg has called upon us to bring about the revival of the German nation. Unity is our tool. Therefore we now appeal to the German people to support this reconciliation. The National Government wishes to work and it will work. It did not ruin the German nation for fourteen years, but now it will lead the nation back to health. It is determined to make well in four years the ills of fourteen years. But the National Government cannot make the work of reconstruction dependent upon the approval of those who wrought destruction. The Marxist parties and their lackeys have had fourteen years to show what they can do. The result is a heap of ruins.

Now, people of Germany, give us four years and then pass judgment upon us. In accordance with Field Marshal von Hindenburg’s command we shall begin now. May God Almighty give our work His blessing, strengthen our purpose, and endow us with wisdom and the trust of our people, for we are fighting not for ourselves but for Germany.

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